新東方背誦經典50篇(中英對照)之一
A painter hangs his or her finished picture on a wall, and everyone can see
it. A composer writes a work, but no one can hear it until it is performed.
Professional singers and players have great responsibilities, for the
composer is utterly dependent on them. A student of music needs as long and
as arduous a training to become a performer as a medical student needs to
become a doctor. Most training is concerned with technique, for
musicians have to have the muscular proficiency of an athlete or a ballet
dancer. Singers practice breathing every day, as their vocal chords would
be inadequate without controlled muscular support. String players practice
moving the fingers of the left hand up and down, while drawing the bow to
and fro with the right arm -- two entirely different movements.
Singers and instrumentalists have to be able to get every note perfectly in
tune. Pianists are spared this particular anxiety, for the notes are
already there, waiting for them, and it is the piano tuner's responsibility
to tune the instrument for them. But they have their own difficulties: the
hammers that hit the strings have to be coaxed not to sound
like percussion, and each overlapping tone has to sound clear.
This problem of getting clear texture is one that confronts student
conductors: they have to learn to know every note of the music and how it
should sound, and they have to aim at controlling these sounds with
fanatical but selfless authority.
Technique is of no use unless it is combined with musical knowledge
and understanding. Great artists are those who are so thoroughly at home in
the language of music that they can enjoy performing works written in any
century.
畫家將已完成的作品掛在墻上，每個人都可以觀賞到。 作曲家寫完了一部作品，得由
演奏者將其演奏出來，其他人才能得以欣賞。因為作曲家是如此完全地依賴于職業歌手和職 業演奏者，所以職業歌手和職業演奏者肩上的擔子可謂不輕。
一名學音樂的學生要想成為 一名演奏者，需要經受長期的、嚴格的訓練，就象一名醫科的學生要成為一名醫生一樣。 絕 大多數的訓練是技巧性的。
音樂家們控制肌肉的熟練程度，必須達到與運動員或巴蕾舞演 員相當的水平。 歌手們每天都練習吊嗓子，因為如果不能有效地控制肌肉的話，他們的聲
帶將不能滿足演唱的要求。 弦樂器的演奏者練習的則是在左手的手指上下滑動的同時，用
右手前后拉動琴弓--兩個截然不同的動作。歌手和樂器演奏者必須使所有的音符完全相同協 調。 鋼琴家們則不用操這份心，因為每個音符都已在那里等待著他們了。
給鋼琴調音是調 音師的職責。 但調音師們也有他們的難處： 他們必須耐心地調理敲擊琴弦的音錘，不能讓
音錘發出的聲音象是打擊樂器，而且每個交疊的音都必須要清晰。如何得到樂章清晰的紋理
是學生指揮們所面臨的難題：他們必須學會了解音樂中的每一個音及其發音之道。 他們還
必須致力于以熱忱而又客觀的權威去控制這些音符。除非是和音樂方面的知識和悟性結合起 來，單純的技巧沒有任何用處。
藝術家之所以偉大在于他們對音樂語言駕輕就熟，以致于 可以滿懷喜悅地演出寫于任何時代的作品。
It is commonly believed in the United States that school is where people
go to get an education. Nevertheless, it has been said that today
children interrupt their education to go to school. The distinction
between schooling and education implied by this remark is important.
Education is much more open-ended and all-inclusive than schooling.
Education knows no bounds. It can take place anywhere, whether in the
shower or in the job, whether in a kitchen or on a tractor. It includes
both the formal learning that takes place in schools and the whole
universe of informal learning. The agents of education can range from a
revered grandparent to the
people debating politics on the radio, from a child to a distinguished
scientist. Whereas schooling has a certain predictability, education quite often
produces surprises. A chance conversation with a stranger may lead a person
to discover how little is known of other religions. People are engaged in
education from infancy on. Education, then, is a very broad, inclusive
term. It is a lifelong process, a process that starts long before the start
of school, and one that should be an integral part of one's entire life.
Schooling, on the other hand, is a specific, formalized process, whose
general pattern varies little from one setting to the next.
Throughout a country, children arrive at school at approximately
the same time, take assigned seats, are taught by an adult, use similar
textbooks, do homework, take exams, and so on. The slices of reality that
are to be learned, whether they are the alphabet or an understanding of the
workings of government, have usually been limited by the boundaries of the
subject being taught. For example, high school students know that they are
not likely to find out in their classes the truth about political problems
in their communities or what the newest filmmakers are experimenting with.
There are definite conditions surrounding the formalized process of
schooling.
在美國，人們通常認為上學是為了受教育。 而現在卻有人認為孩子們上學打斷了他們 受教育的過程。 這種觀念中的上學與受教育之間的區別非常重要。
與上學相比，教育更具 開放性，內容更廣泛。 教育不受任何限制。 它可以在任何場合下進行，在淋浴時，在工作 時，在廚房里或拖拉機上。
它既包括在學校所受的正規教育，也包括一切非正規教育。 傳 授知識的人可以是德高望重的老者，可以是收音機里進行政治辯論的人們，可以是小孩子，
也可以是知名的科學家。 上學讀書多少有點可預見性，而教育往往能帶來意外的發現。 與 陌生人的一次隨意談話可能會使人認識到自己對其它宗教其實所知甚少。
人們從幼時起就 開始受教育。 因此，教育是一個內涵很豐富的詞，它自始至終伴隨人的一生，早在人們上 學之前就開始了。
教育應成為人生命中不可缺少的一部分。然而，上學卻是一個特定的形 式化了的過程。 在不同場合下，它的基本形式大同小異。 在全國各地，孩子們幾乎在同一
時刻到達學校，坐在指定的座位上，由一位成年人傳授知識，使用大致相同的教材，做作業， 考試等等。
他們所學的現實生活中的一些片斷，如字母表或政府的運作，往往受到科目范 圍的限制。
例如，高中生們知道，在課堂上他們沒法弄清楚他們社區里政治問題的真情， 也不會了解到最新潮的電影制片人在做哪些嘗試。
學校教育這一形式化的過程是有特定的 限制的。
Prices determine how resources are to be used. They are also the means by
which products and services that are in limited supply are rationed among
buyers. The price system of the United States is a complex network composed
of the prices of all the products bought and sold in the economy as
well as those of a myriad of services, including labor,
professional, transportation, and public-utility services. The
interrelationships of all these prices make up the
"system" of prices. The price of any particular product or service is
linked to a broad, complicated system of prices in which everything seems
to depend more or less upon everything else. If one were to ask a group
of randomly selected individuals to define "price", many would reply that
price is an amount of money paid by the buyer to the seller of a product or
service or, in other words, that price is the money value of a
product or service as agreed upon in a market transaction. This
definition is, of course, valid as far as it goes. For a complete
understanding of a price in any particular transaction, much more than
the amount of money involved must be known. Both the buyer and the seller
should be familiar with not only the money amount, but with the amount and
quality of the product or service to be exchanged, the time and place at
which the exchange will take place and payment will be made, the form of
money to be used, the credit terms and discounts that apply to the
transaction, guarantees on the product or service, delivery terms, return
privileges, and other factors. In other words, both buyer and seller should
be fully aware of all the factors that comprise the total "package" being
exchanged for the asked-for amount of money in order that they may
evaluate a given price.
價格決定資源的使用方式。 價格也是有限的產品與服務在買方中的配給 手段。
美國的價格系統是復雜的網狀系統，包括經濟生活中一切產品買賣的價格，也包括 名目繁多的各種服務，諸如勞動力、專職人員、交通運輸、公共事業等服務的價格。
所有 這些價格的內在聯系構成了價格系統。 任何一種個別產品或服務的價格都與這個龐大而復
雜的系統密切相關，而且或多或少地受到系統中其它成份的制約。如果隨機挑選一群人，問
問他們如何定義"價格"，許多人會回答價格就是根據賣方提供的產品或服務，買方向其付出 的錢數。
換句話說，價格就是市場交易中大家認同的產品或服務的貨幣量。 該定義就其本 身來說自有其道理。
但要獲得對價格在任何一樁交易中的完整認識，就必須考慮到大量" 非貨幣"因素的影響。 買賣雙方不但要清楚交易中的錢數，而且要非常熟悉交易物的質量和
數量，交易的時間、地點，采用哪種形式付款，有怎樣的緩付和優惠，對交易物的質量保證、 交貨條款、退賠權利等等。也就是說，為了能估算索價，買賣雙方必須通曉構成交易物價 格的通盤細節。
The modern age is an age of electricity. People are so used to electric
lights, radio, televisions, and telephones that it is hard to imagine what
life would be like without them. When there is a power failure, people
grope about in flickering candlelight, cars hesitate in the streets because
there are no traffic lights to guide them, and food spoils in silent
refrigerators.
Yet, people began to understand how electricity works only a little more
than two centuries ago. Nature has apparently been experimenting in this field for millions of
years. Scientists are discovering more and more that the living world may
hold many interesting secrets of electricity that could benefit humanity.
All living cells send out tiny pulses of electricity. As the heart beats,
it sends out pulses of record; they form an electrocardiogram, which a
doctor can study to determine how well the heart is working. The brain,
too, sends out brain waves of electricity, which can be recorded in an
electroencephalogram. The electric currents generated by most living
cells are extremely small -- often so small that sensitive instruments are
needed to record them. But in some animals, certain muscle cells have
become so specialized as electrical generators that they do not work as
muscle cells at all. When large numbers of these cells are linked
together, the effects can be astonishing.
The electric eel is an amazing storage battery. It can send a jolt of as
much as eight hundred volts of electricity through the water in which it
lives. (An electric house current is only one hundred twenty volts.) As
many as four-fifths of all the cells in the electric eel's body are
specialized for generating electricity, and the strength of the shock it
can deliver corresponds roughly to the length of its body.
當今時代是電氣時代。 人們對電燈、收音機、電視和電話早已司空見慣以致很難想 象沒有它們生活會變成什么樣。
當停電時，人們在搖曳不定的燭光下暗中摸索； 因沒有紅 綠燈的指示，汽車在道路上遲疑不前；冰箱也停止工作，導致食物變質。人們只是在兩個世
紀前一點才開始了解電的使用原理，自然界卻顯然在這方面經歷過了數百萬年。 科學家不
斷發現許多生物世界里可能有益于人類的關于電的有趣秘密。所有生物細胞都會發出微小的 電脈沖。
當心臟跳動時，把它發出的脈沖記錄下來就成了心電圖，這可讓醫生了解心臟的 工作狀況。大腦也發出腦電波，這可在腦電圖上記錄下來。
許多生物細胞發出的電流都是 極微小的，小到要用靈敏儀器才能記錄和測量。 但一些動物的某些肌肉細胞能轉化成一個 個發電機，以致完全失去肌肉細胞的功能。
這種細胞大量地連接在一起時產生的效果將是 非常令人吃驚的。電鰻就是一種令人驚異的蓄電池。 它可以在水中發出相當于 800 伏特電
壓電流(家庭用戶的電壓只有 120 伏特)。 在電鰻的身體里，多至五分之四的細胞都專門用 來發電，而且發出的電流的強度大約和它身體的長度成正比。
There are many theories about the beginning of drama in ancient Greece.
The one most widely accepted today is based on the assumption that drama
evolved from ritual. The argument for this view goes as follows. In the
beginning, human beings viewed the natural forces of the world - even the
seasonal changes - as unpredictable, and they sought through various means
to control these unknown and feared powers. Those measures which
appeared to bring the desired results were then retained and repeated
until they hardened into fixed rituals. Eventually stories arose which
explained or veiled the mysteries of the rites. As time passed some rituals
were abandoned, but the stories, later called myths, persisted and provided
material for art and drama.
Those who believe that drama evolved out of ritual also argue that those
rites contained the seed of theater because music, dance, masks,
and costumes were almost always used. Furthermore, a suitable site had
to be provided for performances and when the entire community
did not participate, a clear division was usually made between
the "acting area" and the "auditorium." In addition, there were performers, and, since
considerable importance was attached to avoiding mistakes in the
enactment of rites, religious leaders usually assumed that task. Wearing
masks and costumes, they often impersonated other people, animals, or
supernatural beings, and mimed the desired effect -- success in hunt or
battle, the coming rain, the revival of the Sun -- as an actor might.
Eventually such dramatic representations were separated from religious
activities.
Another theory traces the theater's origin from the human interest in
storytelling. According to this view tales (about the hunt, war, or other
feats) are gradually elaborated, at first through the use of impersonation,
action, and dialogue by a narrator and then through the assumption of each
of the roles by a different person. A closely related theory traces theater
to those dances that are primarily rhythmical and gymnastic or that
are imitations of animal movements and sounds.
關于古希臘戲劇的起源存在著多種理論，其中一個最普遍為人接受的理論 假設認為戲劇從儀式演化而來。
這個觀點是這樣進行論證的：一開始，人類把世界上的自 然力量，甚至季節的變化都看成是不可預料的。 他們試圖通過各種方式去控制這些未知的、
令人恐懼的力量。 那些似乎帶來了滿意結果的手段就被保留下來并且重復直到這些手段固 化為不變的儀式，最后產生了能夠解釋或者掩蓋這些儀式神秘性的故事。
隨著時間的推移， 一些儀式被廢棄了，但這些后來被稱作神話的故事流傳下來并且為藝術和戲劇提供了素材。
認為戲劇從儀式演化而來的人們還認為那些儀式包含了戲劇的基本因素，因為音樂、舞蹈、
面具和服裝幾乎經常被使用，而且，必須為演出提供一個合適的地點；如果不是整個社區共 同參加演出，經常在"演出區"和"觀眾席"之間劃分出明顯的分界。
另外，儀式中還有演員， 而且宗教領袖通常承擔演出任務，因為在儀式的執行中避免錯誤的發生被認為有相當大的重
要性；他們經常帶著面具，穿著服裝象演員那樣扮演其它人、動物或超自然的生靈，用動作
來表演以達到所需要的效果，比如打獵的成功或戰斗的勝利、將至的雨、太陽的復活。 最 后這些戲劇性的表演從宗教活動中分離了出來。
另一個追溯戲劇起源的理論認為它來自人 們對敘述故事的興趣。 根據這個觀點，故事(關于狩獵、戰爭或者其它偉績)是逐漸豐富起 來的。
首先通過一個講解人來運用模仿、表演和對話，然后再由不同的人扮演各自的角色；
另一個與之緊密相關的理論將戲劇的起源追溯至舞蹈，這些舞蹈大體上是有節奏感的和體操 式的那一類，或者是對動物動作和聲音的模仿。
Television -- the most pervasive and persuasive of modern technologies,
marked by rapid change and growth -- is moving into a new era, an era
of extraordinary sophistication and versatility, which promises to reshape
our lives and our world. It is an electronic revolution of sorts, made
possible by the marriage of television and computer technologies.
The word "television", derived from its Greek (tele: distant) and Latin
(visio: sight) roots, can literally be interpreted as sight from a
distance. Very simply put, it works in this way: through a sophisticated
system of electronics, television provides the capability of
converting an image (focused on a special photoconductive plate within a camera) into
electronic impulses, which can be sent through a wire or cable. These
impulses, when fed into a receiver (television set), can then be
electronically reconstituted into that same image.
Television is more than just an electronic system, however. It is a means
of expression, as well as a vehicle for communication, and as such becomes
a powerful tool for reaching other human beings.
The field of television can be divided into two categories
determined by its means of transmission. First, there is broadcast
television, which reaches the masses through broad-based airwave
transmission of television signals. Second, there is nonbroadcast
television, which provides for the needs of individuals or specific
interest groups through controlled transmission techniques.
Traditionally, television has been a medium of the masses. We are
most familiar with broadcast television because it has been with us for
about thirty-seven years in a form similar to what exists today. During
those years, it has been controlled, for the most part, by the broadcast
networks, ABC, NBC, and CBS, who have been the major purveyors of news,
information, and entertainment. These giants of broadcasting have actually
shaped not only television but our perception of it as well. We have
come to look upon the picture tube as a source of entertainment, placing
our role in this dynamic medium as the passive viewer.
電視電視--以快速變化與發展為標志的最普遍、最具有影響力的一項現代技術，正在步 入一個極端復雜化與多樣化的新時代。
這個時代承諾重新塑造我們的生活和我們的世界。 這可以稱得上是又一次電子革命，其關鍵在于電視技術與計算機技術的結合。"電視"這個詞來源于希臘語詞根(tele：遠)和拉丁語詞根(vision：景象)，可以從字面上理解為來自遠處的 景象。
簡單說來，電視是以這種方式工作的，通過一個復雜的電子系統，電視能夠將一幅
圖像(這幅圖像被聚焦在一部攝像機內的一塊特殊的光導底片上)轉換成能經過導線或電纜 發送出去的電子脈沖信號。
當這些電子脈沖信號被輸入一部接收機(電視機)時，就可以用 電子學的方法把脈沖信號重新恢復成同一幅圖像。但是，電視不僅僅是一個電子系統，它還
是一種表達工具和傳播渠道。 因此，電視成了一個對其他人發生影響的強大工具。電視這 個領域可以根據其發射方式分為兩類。
第一類為廣播電視，通過電視信號的寬帶無線電波 發射展現在大眾面前；第二類為非廣播電視，使用受控的發射技術來滿足個人以及某些特殊利益群體的需要。電視早已成為大眾媒介。 我們熟悉廣播電視，因為廣播電視已經以類似 目前的方式存在了大約 37 年。
在那些年頭中，電視絕大部分一直由 ABC、NBC、CBS 這 些廣播電視公司控制著，這些廣播電視公司一直是新聞、信息和娛樂的主要提供者。 這些廣播業的巨頭實際上不僅塑造了電視，而且也塑造了我們對電視的理解。我們漸漸把顯像 管看作是娛樂的來源，讓自己成為這個生動的媒介的被動觀眾。
Andrew Carnegie, known as the King of Steel, built the steel industry in
the United States, and, in the process, became one of the wealthiest men in
America. His success resulted in part from his ability to sell the product
and in part from his policy of expanding during periods of economic
decline, when most of his competitors were reducing their investments.
Carnegie believed that individuals should progress through hard
work, but he also felt strongly that the wealthy should use their
fortunes for the benefit of society. He opposed charity, preferring
instead to provide educational opportunities that would allow
others to help themselves. "He who dies rich, dies disgraced, " he
often said.
Among his more noteworthy contributions to society are those that bear his
name, including the Carnegie Institute of Pittsburgh, which has a library, a museum of fine
arts, and a museum of national history. He also founded a school of
technology that is now part of Carnegie-Mellon University. Other
philanthropic gifts are the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
to promote understanding between nations, the Carnegie Institute of
Washington to fund scientific research, and Carnegie Hall to provide a
center for the arts.
Few Americans have been left untouched by Andrew Carnegie's generosity. His
contributions of more than five million dollars established 2,500 libraries
in small communities throughout the country and formed the nucleus of the
public library system that we all enjoy today.
被稱作鋼鐵大王的安德魯?卡內基在美國建立了鋼鐵工業。 在這個過 程中，他變成了美國最富有的人之一。
他的成功，部分來自于他銷售產品的能力，部分來 自于經濟蕭條時期的擴充策略。 在蕭條時期，他的多數對手都在縮減投資。卡內基認為個人應該通過努力工作來獲得進展，但他也強烈地感到有錢人應該運用他們的財富來為社會謀 取福利。 他反對施舍救濟，更愿意提供教育機會，使別人自立。
卡內基經常說："富有著 死去的人死得可恥。"他對社會的較重要的貢獻都以他的名字命名。 這些貢獻包括匹茲堡卡 內基學校。
這個學校有一個圖書館，一個美術館和一個國家歷史博物館；他還創立了一所 技術學校，這所學校現在是卡內基 梅隆大學的一部分；其他的慈善捐贈有為促進國家間了
解的"卡內基國際和平基金"，為科學研究提供經費的華盛頓卡內基學院以及給各種藝術活動
提供活動中心的卡內基音樂廳。安德魯?卡內基的慷慨大度幾乎影響到每個美國人的生活。 由于他超過五百萬美元的捐款，2500個圖書館得以建立起來，遍布在美國各地的小村鎮， 形成了我們今天還在享用的公共圖書館系統的核心。
The American Revolution was not a revolution in the sense of a radical or
total change. It was not a sudden and violent overturning of the
political and social framework, such as later occurred in France
and Russia, when both were already independent nations.
Significant changes were ushered in, but they were not
breathtaking. What happened was accelerated evolution rather than
outright revolution. During the conflict itself people went on working and
praying, marrying and playing. Most of them were not seriously disturbed by
the actual fighting, and many of the more isolated communities scarcely
knew that a war was on. America's War of Independence heralded the birth of
three modern nations. One was Canada, which received its first large
influx of English-speaking population from the thousands of loyalists who
fled there from the United States. Another was Australia, which became a
penal colony now that America was no longer available for prisoners and
debtors. The third newcomer -- the United States -- based itself squarely
on republican principles.
Yet even the political overturn was not so revolutionary as one might
suppose. In some states, notably Connecticut and Rhode Island, the
war largely ratified a colonial self-rule already existing. British
officials, everywhere ousted, were replaced by a home-grown governing
class, which promptly sought a local substitute for king and Parliament.
美國革命其實并不算是一場革命，因為它并未導致完全的和徹底的變化。 這
次革命并不是對政治和社會框架的一次突然和猛烈的顛覆，象后來在已經是獨立國家的法國 和俄國所爆發的革命那樣。
革命帶來了重大的變化，但并非翻天覆地，所發生的只是進化 的加速，而不是一場徹底的革命；在沖突期間，人們仍然上班、做禮拜、結婚、玩耍。 多數人并沒有受到實際戰斗的嚴重影響。 許多較閉塞的社區對這場戰爭幾乎一無所知。美國 獨立戰爭宣布了三個現代國家的誕生，其中一個是加拿大。
加拿大的第一大批講英語的流 入人口來自于成千上萬英王的效忠者， 這些人從美國逃到了加拿大。 另一個國家是澳大利亞，因為美國不再是容納罪犯和欠債者的國度了，澳大利亞就變成了一個懲治罪犯的殖民地
(注：獨立戰爭前，英國政府將罪犯流放到美國)。 第三個國家就是美國，它完全建立在共 和原則基礎上。即使政治上的顛覆也不如人們可能想象的那樣具有革命性。 在一些州，特 別是康涅狄格和羅德島，戰爭基本上只是承認了已經存在的殖民地的自治。
四處被驅逐的 英國官員都被本土的統治階級所替代，這個統治階級迅速地以地方權力機關來替代國王和議 會。
If by "suburb" is meant an urban margin that grows more rapidly than its
already developed interior, the process of suburbanization began during the
emergence of the industrial city in the second quarter of the nineteenth
century. Before that period the city was a small highly compact cluster in
which people moved about on foot and goods were conveyed by horse and cart.
But the early factories built in the 1830's and 1840's were
located along waterways and near railheads at the edges of cities,
and housing was needed for the thousands of people drawn by the prospect of
employment. In time, the factories were surrounded by proliferating mill
towns of apartments and row houses that abutted the older, main
cities. As a defense against this encroachment and to enlarge their
tax bases, the cities appropriated their industrial neighbors. In
1854, for example, the city of Philadelphia annexed most of
Philadelphia County. Similar municipal maneuvers took place in Chicago
and in New York. Indeed, most great cities of the United States achieved
such status only by incorporating the communities along their borders.
With the acceleration of industrial growth came acute urban crowding and
accompanying social stress -- conditions that began to approach disastrous
proportions when, in 1888, the first commercially successful electric
traction line was developed. Within a few years the horse-drawn
trolleys were retired and electric streetcar networks crisscrossed and
connected every major urban area, fostering a wave of
suburbanization that transformed the compact industrial city into a
dispersed metropolis.This first phase of mass-scale suburbanization was
reinforced by the simultaneous emergence of the urban Middle
Class, whose desires for homeownership in neighborhoods far from the
aging inner city were satisfied by the developers of single-family housing
tracts.
如果"郊區"指的是比已建好的城市內部發展更為迅速的城市邊緣地帶，那 么郊區化可以說始于 1825 年至 1850 年工業化城市出現期間。
在這之前，城市只是高度密 集的小聚居群。 在其中，人們步行走動，商品靠馬車來運送。 但是建于 18 世紀三四十年代的早期工廠位于城邊的航道和鐵路附近，被工作機會吸引到這里的成千上萬的人們需要住 房。
漸漸地，在與舊有的主要城區相毗鄰的地方，不斷涌現出由排房和公寓樓組成的工人
聚居區，包圍了工廠。作為對這種侵蝕的自衛，也為了擴大它們收稅的地域范圍，城市吞并 了工業化的臨近地帶，比如 1854年費城的城區就兼并了費縣的絕大部分地區。 相似的城市化也發生在芝加哥和紐約。 今天很多美國的大城市其實就是靠吞并它們附近的邊緣地區而變成大都會的。隨著工業化的加速發展，城市里出現了嚴重擁擠和相伴而來的社會壓力。 當 1888 年第一條商業上成功的電氣化鐵軌被制造出來時，壓力開始接近危機的程度。幾年之內，馬車就被廢棄了，電車網相互交織連接著各個重要的城區，從而形成了一種郊區化的潮流，即密集的工業城市轉變成了分散的都市。
此時城市中產階級的出現進一步加強了第一 波大規模郊區化。 這些中產階級希望在遠離老舊城市的地區擁有住宅，單一家庭住宅地區 的開發者滿足了他們的愿望。
Standard usage includes those words and expressions understood, used,
and accepted by a majority of the speakers of a language in any situation
regardless of the level of formality. As such, these words and expressions
are well defined and listed in standard dictionaries. Colloquialisms, on
the other hand, are familiar words and idioms that are understood by almost
all speakers of a language and used in informal speech or writing, but not
considered appropriate for more formal situations. Almost all idiomatic
expressions are colloquial language. Slang, however, refers to words and
expressions understood by a large number of speakers but not accepted as
good, formal usage by the majority. Colloquial expressions and
even slang may be found in standard dictionaries but will be so
identified. Both colloquial usage and slang are more common in speech
than in writing.
Colloquial speech often passes into standard speech. Some slang also
passes into standard speech, but other slang expressions enjoy momentary
popularity followed by obscurity. In some cases, the majority never accepts
certain slang phrases but nevertheless retains them in their collective
memories. Every generation seems to require its own set of words to
describe familiar objects and events.
It has been pointed out by a number of linguists that three cultural
conditions are necessary for the creation of a large body of slang
expressions. First, the introduction and acceptance of new objects and
situations in the society; second, a diverse population with a
large number of subgroups; third, association among the subgroups and the
majority population.
Finally, it is worth noting that the terms "standard" "colloquial" and
"slang" exist only as abstract labels for scholars who study language. Only
a tiny number of the speakers of any language will be aware that they are
using colloquial or slang expressions. Most speakers of English will,
during appropriate situations, select and use all three types of
expressions.
標準用法包括那些為使用這種語言的大多數人在任何場合下理解、使用和 接受的詞和短語，而不論該場合是否正式。
這些詞和短語的意義已很確定并被列入了標準 詞典中。 相反，俗語是指那些幾乎所有講這種語言的人都理解并在非正式的口頭或書面中使用，卻不適用于更正規的一些場合的詞和短語。 幾乎所有的習慣用語都屬于俗語，而俚
語指的是為很多講這種語言的人理解但大多數人不把它們列入好的、正式用法之內的詞和短 語；俗語甚至俚語都可能在標準字典中查到，但是字典中會標明它們的性質。
俗語和俚語詞匯的應用都是口頭較多、筆頭較少。俗語用法經常地被接受為標準用法。 一些俚語也變
成了標準用法，但另外一些俚語只經歷了短暫的流行，而后就被棄之不用了。 有時候，多 數人從來不接受某些俚語，但是他們把這些俚語保存到集中記憶中。
每一代人似乎都需要 獨有的一套詞匯來描述熟知的物體和事件。 很多語言學家指出，大量俚語的形成需要三個文化條件：第一，對社會中新事物的引入和接受；第二，一個由大量子群構成的多樣化人口；第三，各子群與多數人口之間的聯系。最后需要提到的是，"標準語"、"俗語"和"俚語"這些 術語只是對研究語言的專家才有用的抽象標簽。
不論何種語言，只會有很小一部分使用者能夠意識到他們是在使用俗語或俚語。 講英語的多數人能夠在適當的場合中選擇使用所有這三種語言類型。
Archaeology is a source of history, not just a humble auxiliary discipline.
Archaeological data are historical documents in their own right, not mere
illustrations to written texts. Just as much as any other historian, an
archaeologist studies and tries to reconstitute the process that has
created the human world in which we live -- and us ourselves in so far as
we are each creatures of our age and social environment. Archaeological
data are all changes in the material world resulting from human action or,
more succinctly, the fossilized results of human behavior. The sum total of
these constitutes what may be called the archaeological record. This record
exhibits certain peculiarities and deficiencies the consequences of
which produce a rather superficial contrast between archaeological
history and the more familiar kind based upon written records.
Not all human behavior fossilizes. The words I utter and you hear as
vibrations in the air are certainly human changes in the material world
and may be of great historical significance. Yet they leave no sort of
trace in the archaeological records unless they are captured by a
dictaphone or written down by a clerk. The movement of troops on the
battlefield may "change the course of history," but this is equally
ephemeral from the archaeologist's standpoint. What is perhaps worse, most
organic materials are perishable. Everything made of wood, hide, wool,
linen, grass, hair, and similar materials will decay and vanish in dust in
a few years or centuries, save under very exceptional conditions. In a
relatively brief period the archaeological record is reduced to mere scraps
of stone, bone, glass, metal, and earthenware. Still modern archaeology, by
applying appropriate techniques and comparative methods, aided by a few
lucky finds from peat-bogs, deserts, and frozen soils, is able to fill up a
good deal of the gap.
考古學是歷史學的一個來源，而不是地位卑微的輔助學科。 考古學資料本身也是一種 歷史文獻，而不僅僅是文字資料的例證。
正象任何一位歷史學家那樣，考古學家研究調查 并盡力去重構一個過程。 這個過程創造了我們生活的人類世界，也創造了我們自身，因為
我們都是我們所處的時代和社會環境的產物。 考古學的資料就是人類行為所造成的物質變 化。 更簡潔地說，是石化了的人類行為。
這些變化的總和構成了我們所說的考古學記錄。 這些記錄自有其獨特和不足之處，因而導致人們對考古歷史和更熟悉的文字記載歷史進行相
當膚淺的對比。并不是所有的人類行為都留下化石。 我說的話，你通過空氣振動聽見，這
當然是人類造成的物質變化，也可能有重大的歷史意義，但這些話在考古學中未留下絲毫痕 跡，除非有人用錄音機錄下來或文書把這些話寫了下來。戰場上軍隊的行動可能"改變歷史 的進程"，但從考古學的觀點來看，這同樣是難以捕捉的；可能更糟的是，多數有機物質會 腐爛。任何由木頭、生皮、絨線、亞麻、草、毛發以及相似物質做成的東西除非在一些非 常特殊的條件下，幾年或幾個世紀以后，會在塵土中腐爛并消失。在短時期內，能留下考 古記錄的東西也都會退化為石頭、骨頭、玻璃、金屬和陶器的碎片。 然而，現代考古學通過運用適當的技術和比較的方法，在從泥炭、沙漠和凍土中所獲得的一些幸運發現的輔助下， 能夠填充這個空缺的很大部分。
From Boston to Los Angeles, from New York City to Chicago to Dallas,
museums are either planning, building, or wrapping up wholesale expansion
programs. These programs already have radically altered facades and floor
plans or are expected to do so in the not-too-distant future.
In New York City alone, six major institutions have spread up and out into
the air space and neighborhoods around them or are preparing to do so.
The reasons for this confluence of activity are complex, but one factor
is a consideration everywhere -- space. With collections expanding, with
the needs and functions of museums changing, empty space has become a very
precious commodity.
Probably nowhere in the country is this more true than at the Philadelphia
Museum of Art, which has needed additional space for decades and which
received its last significant facelift ten years ago. Because of the space
crunch, the Art Museum has become increasingly cautious in considering
acquisitions and donations of art, in some cases passing up
opportunities to strengthen its collections.
Deaccessing -- or selling off -- works of art has taken on new importance
because of the museum's space problems. And increasingly, curators have
been forced to juggle gallery space, rotating one masterpiece into public
view while another is sent to storage.
Despite the clear need for additional gallery and storage space, however,
"the museum has no plan, no plan to break out of its envelope in the next
fifteen years," according to Philadelphia Museum of Art's president.
從波士頓到洛杉機，從紐約到芝加哥、到達拉斯，所有的博物館或者正在籌劃、建造或
者正在完成大規模的擴建計劃。 這些計劃或者已經根本性地改變了博物館門面與展廳的設 計，或者預期在不久的將來會這樣做。單單在紐約市，六個主要機構或者已經向空中和周 圍擴展，或者正準備這樣做。大家一致行動的原因是復雜多樣的，但其中的一個因素是普遍 考慮的空間問題。
隨著收藏品的增多，也隨著博物館的需要和功能的變化，空間已經變成 了一項非常珍貴的商品。在我國，也許沒有任何其他地方比費城藝術博物館更符合這個事實。
這個博物館幾十年來一直需要額外的空間，十年前進行了最后一次重大的翻新。 由于空間
緊缺，該藝術博物館在考慮購買與受贈藝術品已越來越謹慎，有時甚至放棄增強藝術收藏的
機會。由于博物館的空間問題，將藝術品脫手或者說賣掉已經有了新的重要意義。 博物館
館長們被迫巧妙輪換利用陳列館的空間，輪流著把一些藝術杰作向公眾展出，而把另一些送
入存儲室中。雖然對額外的陳列室和存儲室空間需要很明顯，但據費城藝術博物館經理講："博物館還沒有在未來十五年打破這個束縛的計劃。"
In the late 1960's, many people in North America turned their attention
to environmental problems, and new steel-and-glass skyscrapers were widely
criticized. Ecologists pointed out that a cluster of tall buildings in a
city often overburdens public transportation and parking lot capacities.
Skyscrapers are also lavish consumers, and wasters, of electric power. In
one recent year, the addition of 17 million square feet of skyscraper
office space in New York City raised the peak daily demand for electricity
by 120, 000 kilowatts -- enough to supply the entire city of Albany, New
York, for a day.Glass-walled skyscrapers can be especially wasteful. The heat loss (or
gain) through a wall of half-inch plate glass is more than ten times
that through a typical masonry wall filled with insulation board. To
lessen the strain on heating and air-conditioning equipment, builders of
skyscrapers have begun to use double-glazed panels of glass, and reflective
glasses coated with silver or gold mirror films that reduce glare
as well as heat gain. However, mirror-walled skyscrapers raise the
temperature of the surrounding air and affect neighboring buildings.
Skyscrapers put a severe strain on a city's sanitation facilities, too. If
fully occupied, the two World Trade Center towers in New York City would
alone generate 2.25 million gallons of raw sewage each year -- as much as a
city the size of Stanford, Connecticut, which has a population of more than
109, 000.
60年代后期，許多北美人把注意力轉向了環境問題，那些嶄新的玻璃鋼摩天大樓受到 了廣泛的批評。
生態學家指出，城市中密集的高層建筑經常給公共交通與停車場的承載能力造成過重的負擔。摩天大樓還是電能的過度消費者與浪費者。 最近的某一年，紐約市摩天寫字樓 1，700 萬英尺辦公面積的增加使電能的最高日需求量提高了 120，000 千瓦。 這些電能足以供紐約的整個奧爾巴尼市使用一天。玻璃表面的摩天大樓特別地浪費。 通過半
英寸的平板玻璃墻壁損失(或增加)的熱量是典型的加入絕緣板的石墻所允許的熱量損失(或 增加)的十倍以上。
為了減輕取暖設備或空調設備的壓力，摩天大樓的建造者們已經開始使用雙面上釉的玻璃鑲板和涂上了金色或銀色反光薄膜的反光玻璃，來減少強光照射和熱量的 增加；但是，鏡面的摩天大樓會提高周圍空氣的溫度并會對附近的建筑物產生影響。摩天大 樓也對城市的衛生設施造成了沉重的壓力。
單單紐約市的二個世界貿易中心大樓如果完全 被占滿的話，每年就會產生 2，250，000 加侖的污水。 這相當于康涅狄格州的斯坦福市這樣大的城市一年所產生的污水量，而康州的斯坦福市擁有 109，000 人口。
The preservation of embryos and juveniles is a rate occurrence in the
fossil record. The tiny, delicate skeletons are usually scattered by
scavengers or destroyed by weathering before they can be fossilized.
Ichthyosaurs had a higher chance of being preserved than did
terrestrial creatures because, as marine animals, they tended to live in
environments less subject to erosion. Still, their fossilization required
a suite of factors: a slow rate of decay of soft tissues, little
scavenging by other animals, a lack of swift currents and waves to jumble
and carry away small bones, and fairly rapid burial. Given these
factors, some areas have become a treasury of well-preserved
ichthyosaur fossils.
The deposits at Holzmaden, Germany, present an interesting case
for analysis. The ichthyosaur remains are found in black, bituminous
marine shales deposited about 190 million years ago. Over the years,
thousands of specimens of marine reptiles, fish and invertebrates have been
recovered from these rocks. The quality of preservation is outstanding, but
what is even more impressive is the number of ichthyosaur
fossils containing preserved embryos.
Ichthyosaurs with embryos have been reported from 6 different levels of the
shale in a small area around Holzmaden, suggesting that a specific site
was used by large numbers of ichthyosaurs repeatedly over time. The
embryos are quite advanced in their physical development; their paddles,
for example, are already well formed. One specimen is even preserved in the
birth canal. In addition, the shale contains the remains of many newborns
that are between 20 and 30 inches long.
Why are there so many pregnant females and young at Holzmaden when they
are so rare elsewhere? The quality of preservation is almost unmatched and
quarry operations have been carried out carefully with an awareness of
the value of the fossils. But these factors do not account for the
interesting question of how there came to be such a concentration of
pregnant ichthyosaurs in a particular place very close to their time of
giving birth.
胚胎與幼體被保存下來在化石記錄中是少見的事情。微小纖細的骨骼 通常在石化前就被食腐肉的動物拆散了，或者被風化作用破壞掉了。魚龍比起陸地的動物 有更大的幾率被保存下來，因為它們作為海洋動物常生活在腐蝕性較小的環境中。 但是它 們的石化需要一系列因素：軟組織的腐爛速度緩慢，很少被其他動物殘食，缺少混雜、沖走 小骨頭的快速水流和波浪，以及相當快地被掩埋。
當這些因素存在時，某些地區就會變成 一個充滿保存完好的魚龍化石的寶庫。在德國獲爾茲梅登，那兒的沉積物給人們提出了一個 有趣的分析案例。人們在黑色的、含瀝青的海洋頁巖中發現了約 19，000 年前沉積下來的 魚龍化石。幾年時間內，在這些巖石中取得了數以千計的海洋爬行動物、魚類以及無脊椎 動物的標本。它們的保存質量非常的好，但更令人稱奇的是保存下來的育有胚胎的魚龍化 石數目。 在獲爾茲梅登附近一個小地區的六個不同的頁巖層中分別發現了育有胚胎的魚龍化石。 這表明大量的魚龍經年累月重復使用一個特定的地點。 那些胚胎已經發育得相當完 整了。 比如，它們的蹼槳已經完全形成了。
有一個標本甚至被保存在產道中。 而且，那 塊頁巖包含著很多在 20 到 30英寸之間的新生幼體的化石。為什么在其他地方那么稀少的懷孕雌獸和幼體在獲爾茲梅登卻那么多呢? 因為其保存質量幾乎舉世無雙，采集工作的進行一 直是一絲不茍的。
大家都認識到這些化石的價值極其珍貴，但這些因素并不能解釋這個有 趣的問題： 為什么在一個特定的地點會如此集中地出現即將臨產的懷孕魚龍群呢?
For the last 82 years, Sweden's Nobel Academy has decided who will receive
the Nobel Prize in Literature, thereby determining who will be elevated
from the great and the near great to the immortal. But today the Academy is
coming under heavy criticism both from the without and from within. Critics
contend that the selection of the winners often has less to do with true
writing ability than with the peculiar internal politics of the Academy and
of Sweden itself. According to Ingmar Bjorksten, the cultural editor for
one of the country's two major newspapers, the prize continues to represent
"what people call a very Swedish exercise: reflecting Swedish tastes." The
Academy has defended itself against such charges of provincialism in its
selection by asserting that its physical distance from the great literary
capitals of the world actually serves to protect the Academy from outside
influences. This may well be true, but critics respond that this very
distance may also be responsible for the Academy's inability to
perceive accurately authentic trends in the literary world.
Regardless of concerns over the selection process, however, it seems that
the prize will continue to survive both as an indicator of the literature that we most
highly praise, and as an elusive goal that writers seek. If for no other
reason, the prize will continue to be desirable for the financial rewards
that accompany it; not only is the cash prize itself considerable, but it
also dramatically increases sales of an author's books.
過去的 82 年里，瑞典的諾貝爾委員會決定了誰將獲得諾貝爾文學獎，因此也就決定了 誰將從偉大或近乎偉大榮升為不朽。
但在今天，該委員會卻遭到了評選委員會內外的猛烈 批評。 批評者們爭論說："評選獲獎者時，起作用更大的不是真實的寫作能力，而是該委員會以及瑞典特有的內部政治。 按照瑞典兩家主要報紙之一的文化版編輯 Ingmar Bjorksten的說法，該文學獎仍然是"人們所說的一種非常瑞典式的做為：反映瑞典口味"。對于其評選過程中目光短淺的指責，該委員會辯護說，該委員會與世界幾大文學之都相距遙遠，實際上 使該委員會免受外來的干擾。
這也許是對的，但批評者們反駁說，也正因為相距如此遙遠， 該委員會才不能準確地把握文學界的真正趨勢。盡管對評選程序存在著關注，該文學獎將繼
續作為世人最為推崇的文學的標志而存在，并將繼續是作家們難以達到卻又會不斷追逐的目 標。
如果不考慮其他因素，而僅僅考慮與之俱來的經濟利益，該獎也將繼續為人所渴求： 這不僅因為該獎本身就是一筆可觀的現金收入，而且該獎還將極大地增加一個作家的著作的 銷量。
In the late eighteenth century, battles raged in almost every corner of
Europe, as well as in the Middle East, South Africa, the West Indies, and
Latin America. In reality, however, there was only one major war during
this time, the war between Britain and France. All other battles were
ancillary to this larger conflict, and were often at least partially
related to its antagonists' goals and strategies. France sought total
domination of Europe. This goal was obstructed by British independence and
Britain's efforts throughout the continent to thwart Napoleon; through
treaties, Britain built coalitions (not dissimilar in concept to
today's NATO) guaranteeing British participation in all major European
conflicts. These two antagonists were poorly matched, insofar as they had
very unequal strengths: France was predominant on land, Britain at sea. The
French knew that, short of defeating the British navy, their only hope
of victory was to close all the ports of Europe to British ships.
Accordingly, France set out to overcome Britain by extending its military
domination from Moscow to Lisbon, from Jutland to Calabria. All of this
entailed tremendous risk, because France did not have the military
resources to control this much territory and still protect itself and
maintain order at home.
French strategists calculated that a navy of 150 ships would provide the
force necessary to defeat the British navy. Such a force would give France
a three-to-two advantage over Britain. This advantage was deemed necessary
because of Britain's superior sea skills and technology, and also because
Britain would be fighting a defensive war, allowing it to win with fewer
forces. Napoleon never lost sight of his goal, because Britain
represented the last substantial impediment to his control of Europe. As his force neared that goal,
Napoleon grew increasingly impatient and began planning an immediate
attack.
在 18 世紀后期，戰爭爆發于歐洲大陸的幾乎每一個角落，在中東、南非、西印度群島、 拉丁美洲亦都是如此。
然而實際上，在這一時期只有一場主要的戰爭，那就是英法之間的 戰爭。 所有其他戰爭都服從于這一更大的爭端，至少是與這兩個對手的目標和戰略有某些 關聯。
法國力圖統治整個歐洲，而英國的自主及其力圖在整個歐洲大陸挫敗拿破侖的種種
努力都是法國實現這一目標的障礙。英國通過條約建立了聯盟(和今天北約的概念沒有什么 不同)以保證英國插手所有歐洲的主要爭端。
這兩個對頭并不是一對好對手，因為他們的力 量極不均衡：法蘭西在陸地上稱王，英格蘭則在海上稱霸。 法國人明白，如果不能擊敗英國海軍，他們勝利的唯一希望就是讓歐洲的所有港口都對英國艦船關閉。 于是，法國將其軍事占領從莫斯科延伸到里斯本，從尤特蘭延伸到卡拉布里亞，企圖以此來制服英國。 所
有這些行動包含著巨大的風險，因為法國并不具備足夠的軍事資源，來控制這么多地盤，同 時又能保護自己，維持國內的秩序。法國戰略家們的算盤是，其海軍若擁有150 艘軍艦，則 將足以擊跨英國海軍。 這樣的武力將使法國對英國具有 3 比 2 的優勢。 這種優勢被認為是必不可少的，因為英國人具有超群的海上技能和技術，并且打的是一場防御戰爭，使它能以 少勝多。
拿破侖從未忘卻他的目標，因為英國是他統治全歐的最后一個重大的障礙。 隨著 他的力量越來越靠近這個目標，拿破侖變得越來越不耐煩起來，開始策劃立即攻擊。
Sleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic sense we share it
with all the primates and almost all the other mammals and birds: it may
extend back as far as the reptiles.
There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and dreamless,
depend on the life-style of the animal, and that predators are
statistically much more likely to dream than prey, which are in turn much
more likely to experience dreamless sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is
powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive to external stimuli.
Dreamless sleep is much shallower, and we have all witnessed cats or
dogs cocking their ears to a sound when apparently fast asleep. The fact
that deep dream sleep is rare among prey today seems clearly to be a
product of natural selection, and it makes sense that today, when sleep is
highly evolved, the stupid animals are less frequently immobilized by
deep sleep than the smart ones. But why should they sleep deeply at all?
Why should a state of such deep immobilization ever have evolved? Perhaps
one useful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the
fact that dolphins and whales and aquatic mammals in general seem to sleep
very little. There is, by and large, no place to hide in the ocean.
Could it be that, rather than increasing an animal's
vulnerability, the function of sleep is to decrease it? Wilse Webb of the
University of Florida and Ray Meddis of London University have suggested
this to be the case. It is conceivable that animals who are too stupid
to be quiet on their own initiative are, during periods of high risk,
immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep. The point seems particularly
clear for the young of predatory animals. This is an interesting notion and
probably at least partly true.
睡眠是古老的。從腦電圖上看，我們人類和所有靈長目動物以及幾乎所有的哺乳動物 和鳥類都一樣需要睡眠；甚至爬行類動物也有睡眠。
有證據顯示，有夢睡眠和無夢睡眠這兩種類型的睡眠取決于該動物的生活方式。 從統計上看，食肉動物比被捕食動物有更多的 有夢睡眠，而被捕食動物更多地無夢睡眠。
動物在有夢睡眠時，被有效地解除動作能力， 并且對外界刺激缺乏反應。 無夢睡眠則要淺得多。 我們都看到過貓和狗在顯然的酣睡中，有一點響動耳朵就會豎起來。 被捕食動物很少有深度的有夢睡眠，這看來顯然是自然選擇 的結果。而且這一點是有道理的：當睡眠高度進化以后，愚笨的動物比聰明的動物更少在 深度睡眠狀態下喪失動作能力。但是動物為什么要進入深度睡眠呢?為什么這樣的無動作狀 態也會進化出來呢? 海豚、鯨魚以及水生哺乳動物睡眠都極少，這一事實可以給睡眠的根本功能提供有用的線索。 海洋中是沒有藏身之處的。 會不會是這樣，睡眠不但不增加動物受 傷害的可能性，反而是減少了這種可能性呢?佛羅里達大學的 Wilse Webb 和倫敦大學的 Ray Meddis 認為情況就是如此。 可以想像得出，在危險的時刻，那些由于太愚笨而不能自動保持安靜的動物，會不由自主地變得動彈不得。這一點在食肉動物的幼獸身上表現得特別明 顯。 這是一個很有意思的看法，它至少部分是正確的。
Before the 1850's, the United States had a number of small colleges,
most of them dating from colonial days. They were small, church connected
institutions whose primary concern was to shape the moral character of
their students.
Throughout Europe, institutions of higher learning had developed, bearing
the ancient name of university. In Germany a different kind of university
had developed. The German university was concerned primarily with
creating and spreading knowledge, not morals. Between midcentury
and the end of the 1800's, more than nine thousand young Americans,
dissatisfied with their training at home, went to Germany for advanced
study. Some of them returned to become presidents of venerable colleges --
Harvard, Yale, Columbia -- and transform them into modern universities. The
new presidents broke all ties with the churches and brought in a new kind
of faculty. Professors were hired for their knowledge of a subject, not
because they were of the proper faith and had a strong arm for
disciplining students. The new principle was that a university was to
create knowledge as well as pass it on, and this called for a faculty
composed of teacher-scholars. Drilling and learning by rote were
replaced by the German method of lecturing, in which the professor's
own research was presented in class. Graduate training leading to the
Ph.D., an ancient German degree signifying the highest level of
advanced scholarly attainment, was introduced. With the establishment of
the seminar system, graduate students learned to question, analyze, and
conduct their own research.
At the same time, the new university greatly expanded in size and course
offerings, breaking completely out of the old, constricted curriculum of
mathematics, classics, rhetoric, and music. The president of Harvard
pioneered the elective system, by which students were able to choose their
own courses of study. The notion of major fields of study emerged. The new
goal was to make the university relevant to the real pursuits of the world.
Paying close heed to the practical needs of society, the new
universities trained men and women to work at its tasks, with
engineering students being the most characteristic of the new regime.
Students were also trained as economists, architects, agriculturalists,
social welfare workers, and teachers.
19 世紀 50 年代以前美國有一些小的學院，大多數成立于殖民時期。 它們是與教會掛
鉤的小機構，主要目的是培養學生的道德品行。 當時在歐洲各地，高等教育機構已經發展 起來，用的是一個古老的名稱--大學。
德國已經發展出一種不同類型的大學。 德國大學關 心的主要是創造知識和傳播知識，而不是道德教育。 從世紀中葉到世紀末，有 9000 多名美國青年因不滿國內所受的教育而赴德深造。 他們中的一些人回國后成為一些知名學府--哈 佛、耶魯、哥倫比亞的校長并且把這些學府轉變成了現代意義的大學。
新校長們斷絕了和 教會的關系，聘請了新型的教職員，聘用教授根據的是他們在學科方面的知識，而不是正確 的信仰和約束學生的強硬手段。
新的原則是大學既要傳播知識也要創造知識。 這就需要由 學者型老師組成教工隊伍。 靠死記硬背和做練習來學習的方法變為德國式的講解方法。 德國式的講解就是由教授講授自己的研究課題。 通過研究生性質的學習可以獲得表明最高學 術造詣的古老的德國學位--博士學位。
隨著討論課制度的建立，研究生們學會了提問、分 析以及開展他們自己的研究。 同時，新式大學學校規模和課程設置完全突破了過去那種只有數學、經典著作、美學和音樂的狹窄課程表。 哈佛大學的校長率先推出選課制度，這樣學生們就能選擇自己的專業。主修領域的概念也出現了。新的目標是使大學對實際社會更有 用。
密切關注著社會上的實際需求，新的大學著意培養學生解決問題的能力。 工程系學生
成為新式教育體制下最典型的學生。學生們還被培訓成為經濟學家、建筑師、農學家、社會 工作人員以及教師。
People appear to be born to compute. The numerical skills of children
develop so early and so inexorably that it is easy to imagine an internal
clock of mathematical maturity guiding their growth. Not long after learning to walk and talk, they can set the table with impressive accuracy -- one knife, one spoon, one fork, for each of the five chairs. Soon they are capable of noting that they have placed five knives, spoons and forks
on the table and, a bit later, that this amounts to fifteen pieces of silverware. Having thus mastered addition, they move on to subtraction.
It seems almost reasonable to expect that if a child were secluded on a
desert island at birth and retrieved seven years later, he or she could
enter a second-grade mathematics class without any serious problems of
intellectual adjustment.
Of course, the truth is not so simple. This century, the work of cognitive
psychologists has illuminated the subtle forms of daily learning on which
intellectual progress depends. Children were observed as they slowly
grasped -- or, as the case might be, bumped into -- concepts that adults
take for granted, as they refused, for instance, to concede that quantity
is unchanged as water pours from a short stout glass into a tall thin one.
Psychologists have since demonstrated that young children, asked to count
the pencils in a pile, readily report the number of blue or red pencils,
but must be coaxed into finding the total. Such studies have suggested that
the rudiments of mathematics are mastered gradually, and with effort. They
have also suggested that the very concept of abstract numbers - the idea of
a oneness, a twoness, a threeness that applies to any class of objects and
is a prerequisite for doing anything more mathematically demanding than
setting a table - is itself far from innate.
人似乎生來就會計算。 孩子們使用數字的技能發展得如此之早和如此必然，很容易讓 人想象有一個內在的精確而成熟的數字鐘在指導他們的成長。
孩子們在學會走路和說話后 不久，就能以令人驚嘆的準確布置桌子--五把椅子前面分別擺上一把刀、一個湯匙、一把叉子。 很快地，他們就能知道他們已在桌面上擺放了五把刀、五個湯匙、五把叉子。 沒有多 久，他們就又能知道這些東西加起來總共是 15 把銀餐具。
如此這般地掌握了加法之后，他 們又轉向減法。 有一種設想幾乎順理成章，那就是，即使一個孩子一出生就被隔絕到荒島上，七年后返回世間，也能直接上小學二年級的數學課，而不會碰到任何智力調整方面的大 麻煩。當然，事實并沒有這么簡單。
本世紀認知心理學家的工作已經揭示了智力發展所依 賴的日常學習的微妙形式。 他們觀察到孩子們緩慢掌握那些成年人認為理所當然的概念的過程，或者是孩子們偶然遇到這些概念的過程。 他們也觀察到孩子們拒絕承認某些常識的 情況。 比如：
孩子們拒絕承認當水從短而粗的瓶中倒入細而長的瓶子中時，水的數量沒有 變化。 心理學家們而后又展示一個例子，即：讓孩子們數一堆鉛筆時，他們能順利地報出 藍鉛筆或紅鉛筆的數目，但卻需誘導才能報出總的數目。 此類研究表明：數學基礎是經過 逐漸努力后掌握的。
他們還表示抽象的數字概念，如可表示任何一類物品并且是在做比擺 桌子有更高數學要求的任何事時都必備的一、二、三意識，遠遠不是天生就具備的。
The ways of history are so intricate and the motivations of human actions
so complex that it is always hazardous to attempt to represent events
covering a number of years, a multiplicity of persons, and distant
localities as the expression of one intellectual or social movement; yet
the historical process which culminated in the ascent of Thomas Jefferson
to the presidency can be regarded as the outstanding example not only of
the birth of a new way of life but of nationalism as a new way of life. The
American Revolution represents the link between the seventeenth century,
in which modern England became conscious of itself, and the awakening of
modern Europe at the end of the eighteenth century. It may seem strange
that the march of history should have had to cross the Atlantic Ocean, but
only in the North American colonies could a struggle for civic liberty lead
also to the foundation of a new nation.
Here, in the popular rising against a "tyrannical" government, the fruits
were more than the securing of a freer constitution. They included the
growth of a nation born in liberty by the will of the people, not from the
roots of common descent, a geographic entity, or the ambitions of king or
dynasty. With the American nation, for the first time, a nation was born,
not in the dim past of history but before the eyes of the whole world.
歷史的進程是如此錯綜復雜，人類行為的動機是如此令人費解，以至于想把那些時間跨
度大，涉及人數多，空間范圍廣的事件描述成為一個智者或一場社會運動的表現的企圖是危 險的。
然而以托馬斯.杰弗遜登上總統寶座為高潮的那一段歷史過程可以被視為一個特殊 的例子。
在這段歷史時期里不僅誕生了新的生活方式，而且民族主義成為了一種新的生活 方式。 美國獨立戰爭成為聯結 17 世紀現代英格蘭的自我意識和18世紀末現代歐洲的覺醒 的紐帶。 歷史的行程需要跨越大西洋，這看起來似乎有些奇怪，但卻只有在北美殖民地為 民權和自由的斗爭才能導致新國家的建立。
這里，反對"暴政"的民眾起義的成果不僅是獲 得一個包含更多自由的憲法，還包括了一個依照人民的意愿誕生在自由中的國家的成長。這個國家不是基于血緣、地理、君主或王朝的野心。 由于有了美國，第一次一個國家的誕生不是發生在歷史模糊的過去，而是在全世界人們的眼前。
When did sport begin? If sport is, in essence, play, the claim might
be made that sport is much older than humankind, for, as we all have
observed, the beasts play. Dogs and cats wrestle and play ball games.
Fishes and birds dance. The apes have simple, pleasurable games.
Frolicking infants, school children playing tag, and adult arm wrestlers
are demonstrating strong, transgenerational and transspecies bonds with the
universe of animals - past, present, and future. Young animals,
particularly, tumble, chase, run, wrestle, mock, imitate, and laugh(or so
it seems) to the point of delighted exhaustion. Their play, and ours,
appears to serve no other purpose than to give pleasure to the players, and
apparently, to remove us temporarily from the anguish of life in earnest.
Some philosophers have claimed that our playfulness is the most noble part
of our basic nature. In their generous conceptions, play harmlessly and
experimentally permits us to put our creative forces, fantasy, and
imagination into action. Play is release from the tedious battles against
scarcity and decline which are the incessant, and inevitable, tragedies of
life. This is a grand conception that excites and provokes. The holders of
this view claim that the origins of our highest accomplishments - liturgy,
literature, and law - can be traced to a play impulse which, paradoxically,
we see most purely enjoyed by young beasts and children. Our sports, in
this rather happy, nonfatalistic view of human nature, are more
splendid creations of the nondatable, transspecies play impulse.
體育運動開始于何時?如果體育運動的本質就是游戲的話，我們就可以宣稱體育運動比
人類古老，因為正如我們所觀察到的，野獸也進行嬉戲。 狗和貓會扭抱玩球，魚和鳥翩翩 起舞，猿類會進行一些簡單的、愉快的游戲。雀躍的幼兒，捉迷藏的學童和成年摔跤者展 示出人與動物界的有力的跨越世代與物種的永恒的聯系--特別是幼獸，它們翻筋斗、追逐、
奔跑、扭打、模仿、嬉笑(或者看起來是)，直到愉快地精疲力盡。 他們的玩耍，同我們的
一樣，似乎并沒有別的目的而只是給游戲者以愉悅，暫時把我們從嚴肅生活的痛苦中拉出來。 一些哲學家稱我們的嬉戲是我們本質中最崇高的部分。
依他們這些隨意性很大的見解，游 戲無害而且實驗性地允許我們的創造力、幻想和想象發揮作用。 游戲讓人們從永不間斷亦不可避免的生活悲劇-與乏匱和衰退進行的枯燥抗爭中得到一種解脫。 這是一個令人興奮、 給人啟發的偉大見解。
這種見解的持有者宣稱，我們的最高成就如宗教典禮、文學、法律 的起源可以追溯到游戲的沖動。 但令人不解的是我們看到只有幼獸和小孩子才最純粹地享受著這種沖動。 從這種比較豁達和非宿命的人性觀來看，我們的運動是超時代、跨物種的輝煌的創造。
Collectibles have been a part of almost every culture since ancient times.
Whereas some objects have been collected for their usefulness, others
have been selected for their aesthetic beauty alone. In the United
States, the kinds of collectibles currently popular range from
traditional objects such as stamps, coins, rare books, and art to more
recent items of interest like dolls, bottles, baseball cards, and comic
books.
Interest in collectibles has increased enormously during the past decade,
in part because some collectibles have demonstrated their value as
investments. Especially during cycles of high inflation, investors try to
purchase tangibles that will at least retain their current market values.
In general, the most traditional collectibles will be sought because they
have preserved their value over the years, there is an organized auction
market for them, and they are most easily sold in the event that cash is
needed. Some examples of the most stable collectibles are old masters,
Chinese ceramics, stamps, coins, rare books, antique jewelry, silver,
porcelain, art by well-known artists, autographs, and period
furniture. Other items of more recent interest include old
photograph records, old magazines, post cards, baseball cards, art glass,
dolls, classic cars, old bottles, and comic books. These relatively new
kinds of collectibles may actually appreciate faster as short-term
investments, but may not hold their value as long-term investments. Once a
collectible has had its initial play, it appreciates at a fairly
steady rate, supported by an increasing number of enthusiastic
collectors competing for the limited supply of collectibles that become
increasingly more difficult to locate.
從古代開始，收藏品就是文化的一部分。 一些物品因它們的有用性被收藏，而另一些 則純粹因為它們的美被收藏。
在美國，當今流行的收藏品種類從傳統物件，如郵票、硬幣、 珍本書籍、藝術品，到更近期一些的有趣的東西，如布娃娃、瓶子、壘球卡、連環漫畫冊。
對收藏品的興趣在過去十年中大大地增長，部分原因是一些收藏品顯示出了它們的投資價 值。
尤其在高通貨膨脹時期，投資者盡量購買那些至少會保持他們現有市場價值的有形資 產。 一般來說，最傳統的收藏品受青睞，因為它們多年后仍保持其價值。
它們擁有完善的 拍賣市場，在需要現金的時候最容易被賣掉。 一些最穩當的收藏品是古老的畫作、中國陶
器、郵票、硬幣、珍本書籍、古代珠寶、銀器、瓷器、著名藝術家的作品、親筆簽名和有時 代特征的家具。
其它更近期的物品有舊唱片、舊雜志、明信片、壘球卡片、彩色玻璃、布 娃娃、早期汽車、古瓶和連環畫冊。 作為短期投資這些相對說來較新穎的收藏品的確可能更快地增值，但作為長期投資則可能不能保值。 一旦一件收藏品有了它第一次交易，它便以一個相當穩定的比率增值，這個增值率受到越來越多的熱情的收藏者的支持，他們為有限 的而且越來越難找到的收藏品而競爭。
Although Henry Ford's name is closely associated with the concept of mass
production, he should receive equal credit for introducing labor
practices as early as 1913 that would be considered advanced even by
today's standards. Safety measures were improved, and the work day was
reduced to eight hours, compared with the ten-or twelve-hour day common at
the time. In order to accommodate the shorter work day, the entire
factory was converted from two to three shifts.
In addition, sick leaves as well as improved medical care for those injured
on the job were instituted. The Ford Motor Company was one of the first
factories to develop a technical school to train specialized skilled
laborers and an English language school for immigrants. Some efforts were
even made to hire the handicapped and provide jobs for former convicts.
The most widely acclaimed innovation was the five-dollar-a-day minimum wage
that was offered in order to recruit and retain the best mechanics and to
discourage the growth of labor unions. Ford explained the new wage policy
in terms of efficiency and profit sharing. He also mentioned the fact that
his employees would be able to purchase the automobiles that they
produced -- in effect creating a market for the product. In order to
qualify for the minimum wage, an employee had to establish a decent home
and demonstrate good personal habits, including sobriety, thriftiness,
industriousness, and dependability. Although some criticism was directed at
Ford for involving himself too much in the personal lives of his employees,
there can be no doubt that, at a time when immigrants were being taken
advantage of in frightful ways, Henry Ford was helping many people to
establish themselves in America.
盡管亨利.福特的名字和大生產的概念相連，但他在勞工保護上得到同樣的贊譽，因為
他早在 1913 年便實行了用今天的標準來衡量依然是先進的標準。 安全措施得到改進，日工 作時間從當時普遍的 10 或 12 小時減少到 8 小時。
為了適應更短的日工作時間，整個工廠 從雙班變成了三班。而且，病假和改善了的工傷醫療得以制度化。 福特汽車公司是最早建立技術學校來培訓專門技工和為移民開設英語學校的工廠之一。 公司甚至為雇傭殘疾人和
有前科的人而作出了一些努力。最受廣泛稱贊的革新是實行五美元一天的最低工資。 其目 的是招收和留住那些最好的技工并阻礙工會的發展。
福特從效率和利潤分享的角度來解釋 這項新的工資政策。他也提到這樣一個事實，他的員工可以買他們生產的汽車--這實際上 是為其產品另開辟了一個市場。
為了夠資格得到最低工資，員工必須建立一個得體的家庭 并顯示出良好的個人習慣，包括節制、儉省、勤勉和可靠。 雖然有人批評福特過多地干涉了員工的私人生活，但毫無疑問，在移民們被用惡劣的方式剝削的時代，亨利.福特卻幫助 了許多人在美國扎下根來。
The ancestry of the piano can be traced to the early keyboard instruments
of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries -- the spinet, the dulcimer, and
the virginal. In the seventeenth century the organ, the clavichord, and the
harpsichord became the chief instruments of the keyboard group, a supremacy
they maintained until the piano supplanted them at the end of the
eighteenth century. The clavichord's tone was metallic and never
powerful; nevertheless, because of the variety of tone possible to it,
many composers found the clavichord a sympathetic instrument for intimate
chamber music. The harpsichord with its bright, vigorous tone was
the favorite instrument for supporting the bass of the small orchestra of
the period and for concert use, but the character of the tone could not be
varied save by mechanical or structural devices.
The piano was perfected in the early eighteenth century by a
harpsichord maker in Italy(though musicologists point out several
previous instances of the instrument). This instrument was called a
piano e forte (soft and loud), to indicate its dynamic versatility; its
strings were struck by a recoiling hammer with a felt-padded head. The
wires were much heavier in the earlier instruments. A series of
mechanical improvements continuing well into the nineteenth century,
including the introduction of pedals to sustain tone or to soften
it, the perfection of a metal frame, and steel wire of the finest
quality, finally produced an instrument capable of myriad tonal effects
from the most delicate harmonies to an almost orchestral fullness
of sound, from a liquid, singing tone to a sharp, percussive brilliance.
鋼琴的家系可以追溯至 15 至 16 世紀早期的鍵盤樂器，包括小型撥弦琴、洋琴和維金娜 琴。17
世紀時風琴、敲弦琴和撥弦琴成為鍵盤樂器類的主要成員。這種至高無上的地位 一直為它們所保持，直到 18 世紀末期鋼琴將它們取代。
敲弦古鋼琴的音調有金屬的音質，缺乏雄勁。然而由于它的音調變化多，許多作曲家發現對于親切的室內樂是一種得體的樂器。人們最喜歡用具備明快有力音調的撥弦古鋼琴來配合當時小型管弦樂團的低音樂器以及在演奏會上演奏。 但它的音調難以變化，除非使用機械或構件裝置。18世紀早期的意大利，鋼琴在一位撥琴鋼琴制造者手中得到完善(盡管音樂理論家們指出有更早的例子)。這種樂器被稱為 piano eforte (意大利語，柔和而響亮的)，以顯示它有力的多樣性。演奏者用一個頭部帶皮氈的彈擊樂錘敲擊琴弦。更早的這種樂器之上的金屬絲要重得多。 從此，持續到 19 世紀的一系列機械上的改進，包括引入踏板以維持音調或使其柔和，改善金屬框架， 以及使用最佳性能的鋼絲，最終產生了一種具備無數音調效果的樂器。
這些效果涵蓋了從 最精致的和聲到幾乎全部的管弦樂音響，從明快流暢的吟唱的音調到尖銳的打擊樂器的清晰 動人的恢宏氣勢。
Accustomed though we are to speaking of the films made before 1927 as
"silent", the film has never been, in the full sense of the word,
silent. From the very beginning, music was regarded as an indispensable
accompaniment; when the Lumiere films were shown at the first public film
exhibition in the United States in February 1896, they were accompanied by
piano improvisations on popular tunes. At first, the music played bore no
special relationship to the films; an accompaniment of any kind was
sufficient. Within a very short time, however, the incongruity of playing
lively music to a solemn film became apparent, and film pianists began to
take some care in matching their pieces to the mood of the film.
As movie theaters grew in number and importance, a violinist, and perhaps a
cellist, would be added to the pianist in certain cases, and in the
larger movie theaters small orchestras were formed. For a number of years
the selection of music for each film program rested entirely in the hands
of the conductor or leader of the orchestra, and very often the principal
qualification for holding such a position was not skill or taste so much
as the ownership of a large personal library of musical pieces. Since
the conductor seldom saw the films until the night before they were to be
shown (if indeed, the conductor was lucky enough to see them then), the
musical arrangement was normally improvised in the greatest hurry.
To help meet this difficulty, film distributing companies started the
practice of publishing suggestions for musical accompaniments. In 1909,
for example, the Edison Company began issuing with their films such
indications of mood as "pleasant", "sad", "lively". The suggestions became
more explicit, and so emerged the musical cue sheet containing indications
of mood, the titles of suitable pieces of music, and precise directions to
show where one piece led into the next.
Certain films had music especially composed for them. The most famous of
these early special scores was that composed and arranged for D. W.
Griffith's film Birth of a Nation, which was released in 1915.
盡管我們習慣于將 1927 年以前的電影稱為"無聲電影"，但是就無聲這個詞完整的意義
上來說，電影從未真正的無聲過，從最初開始音樂就被視為必不可少的伴奏。 當盧米埃爾的電影在 1896 年 2
月美國首屆影片公映展覽上放映的時候，影片便用當時的流行曲臨場鋼琴伴奏。 最初，這些音樂伴奏與電影沒有什么特別的關系，用什么曲子伴奏都行。但在很短的時間內，為一部莊重的影片演奏快活的音樂所產生的不協調感變得顯而易見，因此鋼琴家們開始注意將自己的作品與影片的情調結合起來。
隨著影劇院在數量上與重要性上的不 斷增長，在一些場合，除了鋼琴師外，還要加上小提琴師，或許還有一位大提琴師。較大的影劇院里還組成了小型的管弦樂隊。在很長的時間內，為各部影片選擇配樂完全掌握在樂隊指揮或隊長手中，而通常把持這種職位的資格不是技巧或鑒賞品味，而是擁有一個大的 音樂作品的個人收藏。
因為直到電影上映的前一天晚上樂隊指揮才能看到影片(如果這個指揮真正有幸能夠看到影片的話)，音樂安排通常是在非常匆忙的情況下臨場進行的。為了解決以上的困難，電影發行公司開辦了為音樂伴奏印制提示單的業務。例如 1909 年愛迪生公 司開始將一些諸如"喜悅的"、"悲傷的"、"活潑的"之類表明影片情調特征的提示與影片一起 發行。
這些提示逐漸變得更加具體，并且出現了包括影片情調說明、適用樂曲名稱和樂曲轉換點等內容的配樂說明單。 某些影片擁有專門為其創作的音樂。
這些早期特創樂譜中最 著名的便是為 D. W. 格雷夫斯1915 年上映的影片《一個國家的誕生》所創作的音樂。
The increase in international business and in foreign investment has
created a need for executives with knowledge of foreign languages and
skills in cross-cultural communication. Americans, however, have not been
well trained in either area and, consequently, have not enjoyed the same
level of success in negotiation in an international arena as have their
foreign counterparts.
Negotiating is the process of communicating back and forth for the purpose
of reaching an agreement. It involves persuasion and compromise, but in
order to participate in either one, the negotiators must understand the
ways in which people are persuaded and how compromise is reached within
the culture of the negotiation.
In many international business negotiations abroad, Americans are perceived
as wealthy and impersonal. It often appears to the foreign
negotiator that the American represents a large multi-million-dollar
corporation that can afford to pay the price without bargaining further.
The American negotiator's role becomes that of an impersonal purveyor of
information and cash.
In studies of American negotiators abroad, several traits have been
identified that may serve to confirm this stereotypical perception, while
undermining the negotiator's position. Two traits in particular that cause
cross-cultural misunderstanding are directness and impatience on the part
of the American negotiator. Furthermore, American negotiators often insist on realizing short-term goals. Foreign negotiators, on the other hand, may value the relationship established between negotiators and may be willing to invest time in it for long-term benefits. In order to solidify the relationship, they may opt for indirect interactions without regard for the time involved in getting to know the other negotiator.
Clearly, perceptions and differences in values affect the outcomes of negotiations and the success of negotiators. For Americans to play a more effective role in international business negotiations, they must put forth more effort to improve cross-cultural understanding.
國際商業和跨文化交流 國際貿易和海外投資的增加產生了對具有外語知識和跨文化交 流技巧的經理的需求。
然而，美國人在這兩方面未得到良好的訓練，因此沒有在國際談判 中象他們的外國對手一樣成功。 談判是為了達成協議而反復交流的過程。 它包括說服和妥協。
但是為了去進行說服和妥協，談判者必須懂得在談判的文化中怎樣說服人和怎樣達成 妥協。 在國外的國際商務談判中，美國人被視為富有和不帶個人情感。
在外國談判者看來， 似乎美國人代表著一個龐大的擁有數百萬資財的大企業，不用進一步地討價還價就能出得起 價錢。
美國談判者的角色變成了一個沒有個人感情的信息及現金的供應者。 對在國外的美國談判者的研究中，我們找出了損害談判者能力的幾個特點，或許證實這個已成定式的看法。 尤其引起跨文化誤解的兩個特點是美國談判者的直截了當和缺乏耐心。
此外,美國談判者 經常堅持實現短期目標，而外國的談判者會珍視建立談判者之間的聯系并愿意為長期利益投 入時間。
為了鞏固這種聯系，他們會選擇非直接的交流而不計較投入用于了解對方的時間。 明顯地，價值觀的不同和理解上的差異影響了談判的結果和談判者的成功與否。美國人要在國際商務談判中扮演更為有效的角色，他們就必須投入更多的努力提高跨文化的理解力。
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