崔天凱大使在第七次中美民間戰(zhàn)略對話上的致辭。（中英對照）

Dear Mr. Douglas Paal,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

尊敬的包道格先生，女士們，先生們，

Good morning. I want to thank The Carnegie Endowment, Tsinghua University and Peking University for inviting me.

上午好！感謝卡內(nèi)基國際和平基金會、清華大學(xué)、北京大學(xué)邀請我出席此次研討會。

As today’s discussion is about “a result-oriented US-China relationship”, let me start by raising a couple of questions about it and making a few points for us to further explore.

這次研討會的主題是“實現(xiàn)‘結(jié)果導(dǎo)向’的中美關(guān)系”。對此我想提以下幾個問題，與大家探討。

In general, we do not oppose the result-oriented notion. But do we have a clear and shared understanding of what it is really about? What should we do together to achieve positive results in the interests of our long-term relations? Are we fully aware of the risk of losing sight of the overall direction if we overemphasize specific results on specific issues?

我們總體上不反對“結(jié)果導(dǎo)向”這一概念。但是，我們對這個概念是否有清晰的共識？我們應(yīng)如何共同努力以達(dá)成有利于中美長遠(yuǎn)利益的積極結(jié)果？我們是否意識到過度強(qiáng)調(diào)一時一事可能導(dǎo)致兩國總體關(guān)系跑偏的風(fēng)險？

    A good overall China-U.S. relationship should be the overarching “result”. In its absence, no desirable result can be achieved. In other words, do we have a long-term goal for the relationship as we ride the ups and downs forward?

There is an ongoing debate about whether China and the United States will be able to escape the so-called “Thucydides’s trap” or are we destined for war. According to historians, there have been 16 cases so far in history when a “rising power” encountered an “established power”. Out of the 16, 12 ended in war and conflict and only 4 had a relatively peaceful transition. Into which category will China-US relations eventually fall?

——總體良好的中美關(guān)系是我們追求的最大結(jié)果。沒有這樣的共識，其他的結(jié)果也無法達(dá)成。換言之，中美關(guān)系需要設(shè)定一個長期目標(biāo)，以克服各種眼前的波折起伏。人們一直在討論中美能否避免所謂“修昔底德陷阱”，或中美是否“注定一戰(zhàn)”。歷史學(xué)家告訴我們，歷史上曾出現(xiàn)16次新興大國和既有大國相遇的案例。在這16個案例中，12次以戰(zhàn)爭或沖突收場，其余4次實現(xiàn)了相對和平的過渡。中國和美國的相遇，將是哪種結(jié)果？

My answer is neither. War and conflict should certainly not be our option. Even a peaceful transition should not be what we really aim at. Our historical mission is not the transfer of global dominance from one power to another. Rather it should be the making of a new model of international relations where countries especially the major ones coexist peacefully on the basis of mutual respect and engage in win-win cooperation for global stability and prosperity. This should be the overarching result that the two countries have to work together to achieve, if a “result-oriented” approach is to be followed.

我認(rèn)為兩者都不是。戰(zhàn)爭和沖突當(dāng)然不應(yīng)是我們的選項，甚至和平過渡也不應(yīng)是我們的目標(biāo)。我們肩負(fù)的歷史使命不是把全球主導(dǎo)權(quán)從一個國家轉(zhuǎn)向另一個國家，而是建立一種新型國際關(guān)系，使世界各國尤其是主要大國在相互尊重、合作共贏的基礎(chǔ)上和平共處，共同維護(hù)全球穩(wěn)定與繁榮。如果說要“結(jié)果導(dǎo)向”，這就是中美兩國必須共同努力達(dá)成的大結(jié)果。

    Specific issues must be addressed within the context of our long-term relations and interests.

Between China and the U.S., there are so many and growing areas for cooperation, and naturally there are differences. Even in cooperation, our perspective or methodology could diverge. These differences and divergences are there and some of them are difficult to be removed overnight. It is clear that we should not allow lack of results on such partial differences negate the progress we have made in our cooperation. Neither should we let our bilateral relationship be hijacked by certain events every now and then.

——一時一事的結(jié)果應(yīng)放到中美長期關(guān)系與整體利益中把握。中美之間既有合作，也有分歧；即使在合作中，也會有視角和方式方法的差異。這些分歧和差異客觀存在，其中一些很難在短期內(nèi)消除。我們不能因為局部分歧而否定中美合作，也不能任由一時一事綁架兩國總體關(guān)系。

The results that we try to achieve should be mutually beneficial.

A relationship of “one side takes all” can never last long. If one side seeks certain result at the expense of the other, the result itself is not a good one. The interactions between China and the U.S. should not be a one-way traffic in which one side lists requirements and demands for the other side to fulfill, but a two-way traffic where both sides respect and accommodate the interest and concerns of each other and make efforts to expand common interest and cooperation.

——我們要追求的應(yīng)當(dāng)是互利共贏的結(jié)果。贏者通吃的關(guān)系注定是無法長久的。如果一方追求的結(jié)果是以損害對方為代價，那就不是一個好結(jié)果。中美之間相處，不應(yīng)是一方對另一方開單子、提條件的“單行道”，而應(yīng)是尊重和照顧彼此利益關(guān)切、不斷擴(kuò)大共同利益和合作交集的“雙行道”。

Since President Trump took office, with the joint efforts of both sides, the China-US relationship has made important positive progress. The successful presidential meetings in Mar-a-lago and on the sidelines of the Hamburg G20 summit just two days ago have set the tone and charted the course for our relationship. The two sides have established four high-level dialogue mechanisms, namely, the Diplomatic and Security Dialogue, the Comprehensive Economic Dialogue, the Law-enforcement and Cyber Security Dialogue, and the Social and People-to-People Dialogue. The two sides also made and kick-started a “100 Day Plan” to promote the economic and trade relations between China and the U.S., which has produced mutually beneficial early harvest.

特朗普總統(tǒng)就任以來，在中美雙方共同努力下，兩國關(guān)系取得重要積極進(jìn)展。兩國元首在海湖莊園成功會晤，前天再次在二十國集團(tuán)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人漢堡峰會期間成功會晤，為新時期中美關(guān)系指明方向，確立建設(shè)性基調(diào)。雙方已經(jīng)建立外交安全對話、全面經(jīng)濟(jì)對話、執(zhí)法及網(wǎng)絡(luò)安全對話、社會和人文對話等四個高級別對話機(jī)制，制定實施了推動中美經(jīng)貿(mào)關(guān)系發(fā)展的“百日計劃”，并取得惠及雙方的“早期收獲”。

Yet what seem to have dominated our attention recently are US actions on the Taiwan issue and its political and military provocations in the South China Sea. Such actions run counter to the positive momentum of China-US relations that the two sides have painstakingly built so far. If this is allowed to go further, mutual trust will be seriously undermined. A spiral of provocations and retaliations would serve no one’s interest. Such a result should be firmly rejected.

但值得注意的是，美方近期在臺灣等問題上采取嚴(yán)重?fù)p害中方利益做法，在南海連續(xù)采取政治和軍事挑釁行動，中方對此堅決反對。這些做法與中美關(guān)系來之不易的積極發(fā)展勢頭背道而馳。如果任其進(jìn)一步發(fā)展，將嚴(yán)重?fù)p害雙方互信。如果形成挑釁和反制的循環(huán)，不符合任何一方利益。這樣的結(jié)果應(yīng)當(dāng)堅決避免。

President Xi Jinping said: “There are a thousand reasons for us to make China-US relationship work, but not a single reason to break it”. I hope that the U.S. side will work with us towards the same direction, and in good faith, for further development of China-US relations on the right track of mutual benefit and win-win outcomes.

習(xí)近平主席指出：我們有一千條理由把中美關(guān)系搞好，沒有一條理由把中美關(guān)系搞壞。我們希望美方以同樣的智慧和誠意，與中方相向而行，推動兩國關(guān)系沿著互利共贏的正確軌道向前發(fā)展。

As recent development on the Korean Peninsula has caught so much attention, let me briefly touch upon this difficult and complex issue.

借此機(jī)會，我想就最近雙方都很關(guān)注的朝鮮半島核問題談以下幾點：

First, China is committed to a denuclearized Korean Peninsula, and no one should deny China’s persistent efforts toward that goal. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China has consistently, fully and effectively implemented Security Council resolutions about the DPRK.

Recently, some media has been talking about trade growth between China and the DPRK in the first quarter of this year. This is a distorted picture. In fact, trade between China and the DPRK has been declining in 2015 and 2016. In February this year, China suspended coal import from the DPRK. As a result, import from DPRK has dropped 41% in April and 32% in May year-on-year. Furthermore, it should be pointed out that Security Council sanctions against the DPRK do not constitute an embargo. Normal trade between China and the DPRK is not banned by these sanctions. But China is firmly opposed to DPRK actions that violate Security Council resolutions, such as nuclear tests and ICBM launching. We support the Security Council in taking further actions against such violations.

第一，中方堅持推動半島無核化目標(biāo)堅定不移，做出的巨大努力不容抹殺。作為聯(lián)合國安理會常任理事國，中國一貫全面、認(rèn)真、嚴(yán)格執(zhí)行安理會有關(guān)涉朝決議，履行應(yīng)盡的國際義務(wù)。最近有些媒體報道稱今年第一季度中朝貿(mào)易增長，這是以偏概全的做法。事實上，2015年、2016年中朝貿(mào)易額持續(xù)下跌。今年2月起中國暫停進(jìn)口朝鮮原產(chǎn)煤炭后，4、5月自朝鮮進(jìn)口分別同比下降41%和32%。要強(qiáng)調(diào)的是，安理會對朝制裁不是全面禁運(yùn)，中朝正常貿(mào)易不違反安理會決議。中方堅決反對朝鮮進(jìn)行核試或試射彈道導(dǎo)彈等違反安理會決議的做法，支持安理會進(jìn)一步做出必要反應(yīng)。

Second, we should have a clear understanding of the crux of the Korean nuclear issue. It is in essence an issue of security, and the key to escape the “security dilemma” is to start with addressing legitimate security concerns of all sides. Sanctions are necessary, but sanctions only cannot solve the problem. The impact of sanctions would be maximized only when it is combined with more robust efforts for the resumption of negotiations.

第二，必須認(rèn)清朝核問題的癥結(jié)所在。朝核問題本質(zhì)上是安全問題，解決的關(guān)鍵在于從各方安全關(guān)切入手，化解“安全困境”。制裁雖是必要手段，但不可能從根本上解決問題。只有把制裁同更有力地推進(jìn)談判努力結(jié)合起來，才能取得最大效果。

Third, diplomatic negotiation is the only way out for the Korean nuclear issue. The U.S. side said its strategic patience has run out. We hope it will lead to proactive actions on the diplomatic front, not strategic impatience instead. There are now calls for military actions. China’s position on this is firm and clear. We would never allow war or chaos breaking out on the Korean peninsula. The cost would be too high for anyone, including the U.S. If we are talking about a result-oriented approach, neither the so-called “strategic patience” nor “strategic impatience” will lead to a good result.

第三，外交談判是解決朝核問題的唯一出路。美方表示“戰(zhàn)略忍耐”已經(jīng)結(jié)束，我們希望這是推進(jìn)外交努力的有為姿態(tài)，而不要滑向“戰(zhàn)略躁動””。近期一些人發(fā)出不惜對朝動武的聲音。在這個問題上，中方的立場堅定而明確，那就是絕不允許半島生戰(zhàn)生亂。沒有誰能夠承受半島生戰(zhàn)生亂的重大風(fēng)險和代價，美方也一樣。如果要“結(jié)果導(dǎo)向”，所謂“戰(zhàn)略忍耐”和“戰(zhàn)略躁動”都不會取得好的結(jié)果。

China and the U.S. share the overall goal on the Korean nuclear issue, which is to realize denuclearization on the peninsula and maintaining peace and stability of the region. We are ready to develop even closer coordination with the U.S. side and make it a high priority. However, the THAAD deployment by the U.S. poses a serious threat to China’s strategic security. And attempts to create leverages against China on the Korean nuclear issue by challenging China on Taiwan and the South China Sea are equally destructive. Plus, the so-called “secondary sanctions” imposed by the U.S. on Chinese entities and individuals according to US domestic laws are not acceptable, either. Such actions are obstructing cooperation between China and the U.S. and lead to questions about the real intentions of the U.S. side.

中美在朝核問題上總體目標(biāo)一致，就是要推動實現(xiàn)半島無核化，維護(hù)地區(qū)和平穩(wěn)定。中方對此高度重視，并愿與美方保持密切溝通協(xié)調(diào)。但是，美方不斷推進(jìn)部署“薩德”反導(dǎo)系統(tǒng)，嚴(yán)重威脅中方戰(zhàn)略安全。如果試圖借在臺灣、南海等問題上挑戰(zhàn)中國以迫使中方在朝核問題上讓步，這種做法同樣是破壞性的。美方依據(jù)自身國內(nèi)法對中國實體和個人搞所謂“次級制裁”，中方對此絕不接受。美方這些行為嚴(yán)重干擾中美在朝核問題上的合作，也使中方對美方的真實意圖產(chǎn)生疑問。

The Korean nuclear issue is a historic problem of complex origins. To break the current impasse, China has proposed the “dual-track” approach and “suspension-for-suspension” proposal. This idea has gained more and more understanding and support in the international community. We hope the U.S. side can give it serious consideration. The “Four NOs and One Should” position of the U.S. is also of positive and constructive spirit. The U.S. side can make specific and pragmatic proposals based on this position and work for a positive response from the DPRK. China and the U.S. can perform different dances, but should aim at the same goal.

朝核問題是盤根錯節(jié)的歷史性難題，中方為破解當(dāng)前僵局，提出了“雙軌并行”思路和“雙暫停”倡議，得到國際社會越來越多理解和支持，希望美方重視并認(rèn)真研究。美方提出的“四不一要”是積極、具有建設(shè)性的，同時需要將其具體化、可操作化，并推動朝方做出積極回應(yīng)。中美雙方可以“異曲”，但必須“同工”，形成合力。

Thank you.

謝謝！

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