傅瑩在第52屆慕尼黑安全會議“中國與國際秩序”論壇上的主旨演講（中英對照版）

Putting the Order (s) Shift in Perspective

秩序及其再構建

–Speech by Fu Ying at the 52nd Munich Security Conference Panel Discussion: “Doubling Down? China and International Order(s)”

——傅瑩在第52屆慕尼黑安全會議“中國與國際秩序”論壇上的主旨演講

Munich, 13 February 2016

2016年2月13日，慕尼黑

As the Chinese year of Monkey has just arrived, I want to first of all wish all of you a happy New Year.

中國剛剛迎來猴年，首先恭祝各位新年快樂。

China has been asked frequently: are you challenging the US as leader of the world order? Or, are you making a parallel order? The answer is: of course not, we are part of the international order.

在國際場合經常遇到的這樣的問題：“中國是否要挑戰美國在世界秩序中的領導地位？”或者：“你們是否要另起爐灶，創建一個并行的世界秩序？”我們會說：“當然不是，中國是國際秩序的成員。”

We seem to be talking past each other. So, are we talking about the same order?

雙方說的是同一個秩序嗎？似乎此“秩序”并非彼“秩序”。

“The US-led world order,” if I understand it correctly, rests on three pillars: first, the American value system, which is also accepted as the western values; second, the U.S. military alignment system, which is claimed to be the security foundation for US leadership; third, the international institutions including the UN system. Maybe I am simplifying, but many other elements can fall into these categories.

所謂“美國領導下的世界秩序”有三個支柱：一是美式價值觀，也被視作“西方價值觀”；二是美國的軍事同盟體系，構成美國在世界上發揮“領導”作用的安全基石；三是包括聯合國在內的國際機構。

This world order structure has its roots in the history of international politics and also has its modern contributions. The United States has been reaping huge benefits from its leadership role.

這個“世界秩序”有其國際政治的歷史淵源，也在現代世界發揮作用，而美國長期在這個秩序中居于領導地位并因此獲得利益。

However, with globalization going deep and international politics fragmenting, this world order is being overstretched in providing new and effective solutions to contemporary challenges. For example, we have seen that the global promotion of the western values is not always successful, especially in countries where new governing structures failed to grow fast enough to replace the original ones that were being brought down. Chaos can occur and even spill over.

但在全球化深入發展、國際政治日益碎片化的今天，“世界秩序”面臨越來越多的現實挑戰，越來越難以提供全面、有效的解決方案。我們已經看到，在政治層面，美國推廣西方價值觀的做法在很多地方遭遇水土不服，特別是在中東一些國家，舊的格局被打破，新的社會架構卻遲遲建立不起來，導致嚴重的動蕩，甚至外溢。

In the defense field, the U.S. led military alliance puts security interests of its members above those of non-members and therefore has often led to more complex situation, especially when it comes to regional disputes. Moreover, the 2008 global financial crisis betrayed flaws in the international governance and the newly born G20 took on the reform of global governance system.

在防務領域，美國主導的軍事同盟體系把盟友的安全利益凌駕于非盟友的安全利益之上，往往給地區熱點問題增添新的復雜因素。在經濟層面，2007年爆發的金融危機暴露了國際經濟治理的缺陷，應運而生的20國集團帶動了全球治理改革進程。

Against such background, China has grown in size economically and is consequently having greater weight on the world stage; it’s quite natural that people want to know where China stands.

在此背景下，隨著中國經濟體量和世界影響力的增大，人們自然而然地想知道中國持何立場。

You may listen carefully voices from China. Chinese leaders have insisted that China supports the current international order. And you may take note that the word used is “international order.” The Chinese seldom talk about the “world order.” What China refers to is the UN based system including the international institutions and norms. China has a strong sense of belonging to this order, as China is one of its founders and is a beneficiary, a contributor, as well as part of its reform efforts.

如果仔細聆聽中國的聲音就不難了解，中國領導人多次表示我們支持現存國際秩序。不過中國人使用的詞匯是“國際秩序”，而不是“世界秩序”，我們指的是以聯合國憲章宗旨和原則為核心的國際秩序和體系。中國對現存國際秩序有歸屬感，因為我們既是其創建者之一，也是獲益者和貢獻者，同時還是改革的參與者。

The Chinese President Xi Jinping in his speech in Seattle last September argued that “many developing countries want to see a more just and equitable international system. But it doesn’t mean that they want to unravel the entire system or start all over again.” What they want is “to reform and improve the system to keep up with the times.”

習近平主席2015年9月在美國西雅圖發表演講時就指出，“世界上很多國家特別是廣大發展中國家都希望國際體系朝著更加公正合理方向發展，但這并不是推倒重來，也不是另起爐灶，而是與時俱進、改革完善。”

China has proposed mechanisms where the existing international order falls short. The Silk Road “Belt and Road” initiative and the AIIB (Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank) are new public goods that China is offering. These mechanisms are non-exclusive and guided by the UN principles.

中國針對國際秩序有缺失的地方已經提出自己的解決方案，“一帶一路”倡議和亞洲基礎設施投資銀行就是我們提供給世界的重要新型公共產品。它們不是排他性的而是包容性的，不是要謀求贏者通吃而是要實現合作共贏，它們的運作過程遵循國際公認的準則，充分吸取現行國際機制積累的經驗，當然也會更均衡地反映發展中國家的利益和關切。

China and the US have growing common interests in world affairs. For example, both support the role of the United Nations, and both need the other’s cooperation in addressing global challenges. The China-US bilateral agreement played a key role for the success of the UN climate conference in Paris.

中國和美國在世界事務中擁有廣泛的共同利益，比如雙方都支持聯合國的作用，都在應對全球性挑戰方面需要與對方合作。去年中美雙邊協議的率先達成為巴黎氣候變化大會的成功奠定了基礎。

Having said that, I hope you now understand why China cannot support the U.S.-led “world order” in its entirety. As you are aware, China has deep concern over the long-held rejection and pressure by the US and other Western countries on China’s political system. On the security front, we stand for common security and do not want to see the world divided again by exclusive military blocs.

然而毋庸置疑的是，中國不可能全盤接受美國領導的“世界秩序”。中國反對美國和其他西方國家對中國政治制度的排斥和壓制，我們主張共同安全，不贊成用排他性的集體防務安排再次割裂世界。

The question is: where do we go from here?

現在的問題是怎么辦？

China is not going to be the last developing country ascending to the world’s center stage. Many more countries would want a fair stand alongside China.

Changes are needed. If we cannot remake each other in our own images, can we not work together to build a more inclusive order framework, a common roof, so to speak, to accommodate as much as possible the diverse interests, needs and ideas? Naturally this will take time.

中國不會是最后一個進入世界中心舞臺的發展中國家，將來必然會有更多國家要求在現存國際秩序和體系中得到公平的待遇。未來世界的權力將更為分散，面對的挑戰也更加復雜，世界需要改變。如果大家不能改變彼此，是否可以搭建一個更具包容性的秩序框架，就好比搭建一個共同的屋頂，能夠最大限度地容納各方的利益訴求和治理觀念。當然，這需要時間。

The Munich Security Report 2016 saw the strategic outlook bleak. It also mentioned that China and the US will find it increasingly difficult to manage their differences. Indeed, if one only listens to some of the US election rhetoric, one may fear that the two countries will fall into the Thucydides Trap with their eyes wide open.

2016年《慕尼黑安全報告》以悲觀情緒展望世界的戰略前景，在提及中美關系時認為，兩國“將越來越難以管控雙邊分歧”。確實，如果只聽美國大選參選人的一些言論，會讓人擔心中美兩國是不是要睜著眼睛掉入“修昔底德陷阱”。

But, in the real world, both the Chinese and American leaders openly indicated that they are determined to make the relationship work to avoid repeating the history of conflict between rising countries and established powers.

但在現實中，兩國領導人也已多次公開表示決心使兩國關系獲得成功，避免重走歷史上大國爭霸與沖突的老路。

For that purpose, the Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed to build a New Model of Major-Country Relationship featuring no-conflict, no-confrontation, mutual respect and win-win cooperation. Though this may not sound very ambitious, putting it into practice looks not easy. But hopefully, this process will help foster a new model towards an overarching global order.

所以中方提議中美共建不對抗、不沖突、相互尊重、合作共贏的新型大國關系。這些標準聽上去并不算高，但實現起來卻是難度不小，相信這個進程也會為構建全球新型秩序觀念提供路徑。

China’s commitment to peaceful development remains on course. We don’t want to be distracted, and still less do we wish to see the external environment that enables China’s peaceful rise reversed. But, if threatened or confronting tougher situations, China now has more leverages and means at disposal.

中國走和平發展道路是堅定不移的。面對世界經濟和全球安全的種種不確定性，我們不希望自己的注意力被過度分散，更不希望中國和平崛起的外部環境發生逆轉。當然，如果出現我們不能容忍的挑釁和威脅，中國現在有更多的手段和渠道去應對。

The Chinese are a calm and patient people. The priority is to do our own things well, meaning to promote economic growth and prosperity for the people. As our capability improves, we will be able to do more for the region and the world. In the meantime, China needs to learn and also to better communicate with the world.

中國人講“定力”，就是要有耐心，看準時機和條件再做判斷。最重要的是辦好自己的事，也就是促進經濟增長和繁榮，增進人民福祉。隨著自身能力的不斷增強，中國將能為地區和世界的和平與發展作出更大貢獻。同時，中國也要繼續學習，并且更好地與世界溝通。

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