Barbara Jordan: “Who Then Will Speak for the Common Good?“
1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address巴巴拉·約旦: “誰將為公共利益說話?“
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美國20世紀百大英語演講05:Who, then, will speak for the common good by

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Barbara Jordan: “Who Then Will Speak for the Common Good?“
1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address

巴巴拉·約旦: “誰將為公共利益說話?“
1976年民主黨全國大會主旨演講

delivered 12 July 1976, New York, NY

巴巴拉·約旦于1976年7月12日紐約

Thank you ladies and gentlemen for a very warm reception.

感謝女士們和先生們,感謝你們給予的熱情接待。

It was one hundred and forty-four years ago that members of the Democratic Party first met in convention to select a Presidential candidate. Since that time, Democrats have continued to convene once every four years and draft a party platform and nominate a Presidential candidate. And our meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition. But there is something different about tonight.

在一百四十年前,民主黨的成員首次舉行大會選舉總統候選人,自此以后,民主黨每四年一次聚會起草治黨綱領、任命一位總統候選人。現在我們本周舉行的大會就是繼承這個傳統。但是今晚有一點與以往不同的地方。

There is something special about tonight. What is different? What is special?

那就是今晚的演講有點特別。有何不同呢?有何特別呢?

I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker.

我,巴巴拉·約旦,成為今晚的主題演講人。

A lot of years passed since 1832, and during that time it would have been most unusual for any national political party to ask that a Barbara Jordan to deliver a keynote address. But tonight here I am. And I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred.

1832年以后許多年過去了,在這么漫長的時間里,讓一個叫巴巴拉·約旦的人作主題演講,對任何一個國家政黨來說將是一件最不尋常的事。但是,今晚我就在此,我覺得我在此作了美國夢并非永遠遙不可及的特別見證。

Now that I have this grand distinction what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party and attacking the Republicans -- but I don’t choose to do that. I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the problems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions. But I don’t choose to do that either. The citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems.

現在我擁有如此隆重的聲望,我該向這個世界說些什么呢?我可輕易而舉地利用這個時間贊美本黨取得的成就、大肆抨擊共和黨,但是我不想如此。我可以列舉美國面對的許多問題,我可以列舉許多導致人們憤世嫉俗、憤怒不滿、挫折失落的問題;這些問題包括政府缺乏整體誠信,感覺個人不再有價值,物質精神貧困的現實,感覺偉大的美國實驗正在失敗或已經失敗。我可以背誦這些問題,將其列舉出來但是無法提供解決方案。但是,我同樣不想談這些。美國人民期待聽到更多的東西。他們應該也想知道羅列問題之外的更多東西。

We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search of our future. We are a people in search of a national community. We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present, unemployment, inflation, but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all of us are equal.

我們是一群對現狀進退兩難的人,我們共同探索我們的明天,我們努力尋求我們共有國家認同感,我們不僅努力解決當務之急,諸如失業,通貨膨脹,我們而且致力在更大程度上兌現美國的承諾。我們正努力實現我們國家的目標,努力創造并維護一個人人平等的社會。

Throughout out history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their problems, and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to political parties. They have often turned to the Democratic Party. What is it? What is it about the Democratic Party that makes it the instrument the people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I believe the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing. Our concept of governing is derived from our view of people. It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience of all of us.

歷史表明,當人們為解決他們的問題謀求新路和支持這個國家的準則時,他們許多時候會訴諸政黨。他們經常轉向民主黨。這意味著什么?人們尋求未來之路時使用的工具,與民主黨采取的措施有什么關系?我確信答案就在于我們的執政理念中。我們的執政理念來自人民的觀點。它深深地根植于我們大家的國家意識中一整套堅不可蝕的信念。

Now what are these beliefs? First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none. This is a belief that each American regardless of background has equal standing in the public forum -- all of us. Because we believe this idea so firmly, we are an inclusive rather than an exclusive party. Let everybody come! I think it no accident that most of those emigrating to America in the 19th century identified with the Democratic Party. We are a heterogeneous party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds.

那么這些信念有哪些呢?首先,我們深信我們人人平等沒有任何人享有特權。這個信念表明,每一個美國人不管其背景都能平等站在所有人的公共講壇上發言。因為我們相信這個信念是如此堅固,我們包含了一切排他的政黨的信念。讓每一個人都來參與。大多數19世紀移民來到美國的人見證了民主黨,我想這并非偶然。我們是一個由不同背景的美國人組成的具有豐富代表性的政黨。

We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that the authority of the people is to be extended, not restricted.

我們確信人民是所有政府的力量之源,人民的權力只能不斷擴大,絕不能被限制。

This can be accomplished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate in the management of the government. They must have that, we believe. We believe that the government which represents the authority of all the people, not just one interest group, but all the people, has an obligation to actively -- underscore actively -- seek to remove those obstacles which would block individual achievement -- obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition. The government must remove them, seek to remove them.

只有給每一個公民每一個機會參與政府的管理,才能使這一切成為現實。我們確信,他們應該擁有代表全體人民的政府,不只是一部分利益團體的政府,而是所有人民的政府,這個政府有一種積極的義務――我強調是積極的――努力消除阻礙個人奮斗的障礙――這些在種族、性別、經濟條件方面形成的障礙。政府一定要將這些障礙一掃而空,全力一掃而空。

We are a party of innovation. We do not reject our traditions, but we are willing to adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must. We are willing to suffer the discomfort of change in order to achieve a better future. We have a positive vision of the future founded on the belief that the gap between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed.

我們是一個創新的政黨,我們不拒斥我們的傳統,但在我們必須改變時,我們會努力順應環境因時而變。為了爭取更美好的未來,我們會樂于忍受改革的陣痛。我們堅信美國的期許與現實的差距終有一天會消除,基于此我們對未來樂觀無疑。

We believe that.

我們堅信這一點。

This, my friends, is the bedrock of our concept of governing. This is a part of the reason why Americans have turned to the Democratic Party. These are the foundations upon which a national community can be built. Let’s all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for short-term political gains. They represent what this country is all about. They are indigenous to the American idea. And these are principles which are not negotiable.

這就是,我的朋友們,這就是我們的執政信念。這就是為什么美國人民轉向民主黨的部分原因。這些是一個國家共同體得以建立的基礎。讓我們明白,這些主導原則不僅是短期的政治需要后就棄之不顧。它們代表這個國家的方方面面。它們是美國本土的理念。所有這些都是不容妥協的原則。

In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the beliefs of the Democratic Party and that would be enough. But today that is not enough. People want more. That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the people of this country to vote Democratic. We have made mistakes. We realize that. In our haste to do all things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our actions. And when the people raised their voices, we didn’t hear. But our deafness was only a temporary condition, and not an irreversible condition.

在其他時候,我可以站在這里就民主黨的信念對此作出這樣的申明就足矣。但在今天遠遠不夠。因為人民所需更多。這就是并非這個國家的大多數選舉民主黨的理由。我們已經犯錯誤。我們意識到了這一點。在我們匆忙為所有人民所做的所有事中,我們沒有預見到我們的行為所導致的后果。而且當人民提高他們的申訴聲時,我們沒有傾聽。但是我們的耳聾只是暫時的情況,并非不可挽回的。

Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes, I still believe that as the people of America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize that our mistakes were mistakes of the heart. They’ll recognize that.

縱使我站在這里承認我們已經犯錯,我依然堅信美國人民在評判每一個政黨時,他們會意識到我們的錯誤是心靈的錯誤。他們將識清真相。

And now we must look to the future. Let us heed the voice of the people and recognize their common sense. If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political heritage, we ignore the common ties that bind all Americans. Many fear the future. Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe that their voices are never heard. Many seek only to satisfy their private work wants. To satisfy their private interests. But this is the great danger America faces. That we will cease to be one nation and become instead a collection of interest groups: city against suburb, region against region, individual against individual. Each seeking to satisfy private wants. If that happens, who then will speak for America? Who then will speak for the common good?

既然我們必須面向未來,就讓我們留意人民的聲音、理解他們的共識。假如我們不如此,我們不僅會辱沒我們秉承的政治傳統,而且還會忽視團結所有美國人民的根本所系。許多人擔心未來。許多人不信任他們的領導人,他們確信他們的聲音從沒有人傾聽。許多人只是滿足自己的私欲所求。只是滿足他們私人的利益。這卻是美國面對的大難。這樣我們將不再是一個國家,而變成各種利益的集合體:城市與郊區沖突,地區與地區矛盾,個人與個人之間對立。每個人只圖滿足自己的私欲。假如這一切發生,誰將為美國說話?誰將為公共利益說話?

This is the question which must be answered in 1976.

這就是必須在1976年回答的問題。

Are we to be one people bound together by common spirit, sharing in a common endeavor; or will we become a divided nation? For all of its uncertainty, we cannot flee the future. We must not become the new Puritans and reject our society. We must address and master the future together. It can be done if we restore the belief that we share a sense of national community, that we share a common national endeavor. It can be done.

我們是全民一體基于共同意志團結一心、共同努力還是應該成為一個分裂的國家?因為所有一切無法確定,我們不能逃離未來。我們不能成為新的清教徒而抗拒我們的社會。我們必須一起面向未來并成為未來的主人。假如我們堅固信念,我們共享一個國家共同體并共同為國家奮斗努力,我們就能做到這一點。我們完全可以做到。

There is no executive order; there is no law that can require the American people to form a national community. This we must do as individuals, and if we do it as individuals, there is no President of the United States who can veto that decision.

這不是必須執行的命令;沒有法律要求美國人民形成一個國家共同體。這是我們每個個人必須做的,只要我們個個身體力行,沒有一個總統能否決這個決定。

As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous people so why can’t we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas Jefferson:

首要的第一步是,我們必須堅固我們自己的信念。我們是慷慨的人民,那么為什么我們不能彼此慷慨呢?我們需要從心底履行托馬斯·杰弗遜所說的:

“Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things.“

“讓我們堅定追求社會和諧和友愛,沒有這些,自由甚至生命將蒼白無力。”

A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the common good. A government is invigorated when each of us is willing to participate in shaping the future of this nation. In this election year we must define the common good and begin again to shape a common future. Let each person do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each one of us.

一個國家由我們每個人為共同利益而共擔責任形成的意志所鑄就。當我們每個人都愿參與鑄造一個國家的未來,一個政府會深受鼓舞。在這個選舉年,我們必須定義共同利益并重新開始設計共同的未來。讓每一個人各盡其分。假如一個公民不愿參與,我們所有人將面臨失敗。美國的信念盡管為我們所有人分享,但是更應為我們大家知曉。

And now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves public servants but I’ll tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the nation. It is hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are derelict in upholding the common good. More is required of public officials than slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold ourselves strictly accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future.

現在,我們當中被選舉擔任公職的那些人應該做些什么呢?我們稱我們是公仆,但是我要告訴你們的是:我們作為公仆要為這個國家其他人樹立榜樣。如果我們拋棄了維護公義的立場,而去訓誡他人堅守公共利益,這所謂的公仆只不過是偽善之徒。對公務員而言,需要他們做的遠比標語、握手和新聞發布會多得多。要求他們做的還有更多的事。我們必須為人民提供未來的先見之明。

If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If we as public officials propose, we must produce. If we say to the American people it is time for you to be sacrificial; sacrifice. If the public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give. We must be. And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a balance between the idea that government should do everything and that idea, the belief, that government ought to do nothing. Strike a balance. Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community. It’s tough, difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny. If each of us remembers when self-interest and bitterness seem to prevail that we share a common destiny.

假如我們答應作公務員,我們必須作出承諾。假如我們作為公務員有固定的目標,我們必須去實現。假如我們對美國人民說,這是你們需要作出犧牲的時候,你們就必須犧牲自己。假如作為公務員的我們必須首先給予,我們必須立即給予。同時,當我們犯了錯誤,我們必須樂意承認。我們必須做的是在“政府須做任何事”與“政府什么也不做”這兩個理念之間保持平衡。必須保持平衡。讓我們不要對構筑一個國家共同體的困難抱幻想。這是艱辛的、艱難的,絕非輕易而舉之事。只要我們大家每一個成員共享一個共同的命運,一種和衷共濟的精神就能在美國永存。只要我們我們大家每個成員的個人利益和苦難能克服,我們就能共享一個共同的命運。

I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community.

我有信心我們能筑就這種國家共同體。

I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way.

我有信心民主黨能領導潮流。

I have that confidence.

我完全有信心。

We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us by the founders of the Republic. There is no way to improve upon that. But what we can do is to find new ways to implement that system and realize our destiny.

我們不能對由共和黨的創立者轉交給我們的政府系統進行改進。其中已經沒有可改進之處。但是我們可以發現貫徹這套系統、認識我們的命運的新路。

Now, I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a Barbara Jordan making a keynote address. Well I am going to close my speech by quoting a Republican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in which every last one of us participates:

此刻,我給你們作這場主旨演講,為你們用巴巴拉·約旦特有的角度進行了陳述,在我將要結束我的演講時,我要引述一位共和黨總統的話,我請求你們在傾聽亞伯拉罕·林肯的這些話語時,聯想到我們每個人參與的國家共同體理念:

“As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy.“

“假如我不愿做奴隸,那么我也不愿做奴隸主。我的這一民主理念的表述,不管與此有多少差別,如果只是擴大差別,就不是民主。”

Thank you.

謝謝你們。

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