2011年，美國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)卿希拉里.克林頓于當(dāng)?shù)貢r(shí)間2011年12月6日星期二，美國(guó)東部標(biāo)準(zhǔn)時(shí)間中午12:12在瑞士日內(nèi)瓦萬(wàn)國(guó)宮（Palais des Nations）發(fā)表講話紀(jì)念國(guó)際人權(quán)日，演講題目：人權(quán)政策Good evening, and let me express my deep honor and pleasure at being here. I want to thank Director General Tokayev and Ms. Wyden along with other ministers, ambassadors, excellencies, and UN partners. This weekend, we will celebrate Human Rights Day, the anniversary of one of the great accomplishments of the last century.

Beginning in 1947, delegates from six continents devoted themselves to drafting a declaration that would enshrine the fundamental rights and freedoms of people everywhere. In the aftermath of World War II, many nations pressed for a statement of this kind to help ensure that we would prevent future atrocities and protect the inherent humanity and dignity of all people. And so the delegates went to work. They discussed, they wrote, they revisited, revised, rewrote, for thousands of hours. And they incorporated suggestions and revisions from governments, organizations, and individuals around the world.

At three o’clock in the morning on December 10th, 1948, after nearly two years of drafting and one last long night of debate, the president of the UN General Assembly called for a vote on the final text. Forty-eight nations voted in favor; eight abstained; none dissented. And the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted. It proclaims a simple, powerful idea: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. And with the declaration, it was made clear that rights are not conferred by government; they are the birthright of all people. It does not matter what country we live in, who our leaders are, or even who we are. Because we are human, we therefore have rights. And because we have rights, governments are bound to protect them.

In the 63 years since the declaration was adopted, many nations have made great progress in making human rights a human reality. Step by step, barriers that once prevented people from enjoying the full measure of liberty, the full experience of dignity, and the full benefits of humanity have fallen away. In many places, racist laws have been repealed, legal and social practices that relegated women to second-class status have been abolished, the ability of religious minorities to practice their faith freely has been secured.

In most cases, this progress was not easily won. People fought and organized and campaigned in public squares and private spaces to change not only laws, but hearts and minds. And thanks to that work of generations, for millions of individuals whose lives were once narrowed by injustice, they are now able to live more freely and to participate more fully in the political, economic, and social lives of their communities.

Now, there is still, as you all know, much more to be done to secure that commitment, that reality, and progress for all people. Today, I want to talk about the work we have left to do to protect one group of people whose human rights are still denied in too many parts of the world today. In many ways, they are an invisible minority. They are arrested, beaten, terrorized, even executed. Many are treated with contempt and violence by their fellow citizens while authorities empowered to protect them look the other way or, too often, even join in the abuse. They are denied opportunities to work and learn, driven from their homes and countries, and forced to suppress or deny who they are to protect themselves from harm.

I am talking about gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender people, human beings born free and given bestowed equality and dignity, who have a right to claim that, which is now one of the remaining human rights challenges of our time. I speak about this subject knowing that my own country’s record on human rights for gay people is far from perfect. Until 2003, it was still a crime in parts of our country. Many LGBT Americans have endured violence and harassment in their own lives, and for some, including many young people, bullying and exclusion are daily experiences. So we, like all nations, have more work to do to protect human rights at home.

Now, raising this issue, I know, is sensitive for many people and that the obstacles standing in the way of protecting the human rights of LGBT people rest on deeply held personal, political, cultural, and religious beliefs. So I come here before you with respect, understanding, and humility. Even though progress on this front is not easy, we cannot delay acting. So in that spirit, I want to talk about the difficult and important issues we must address together to reach a global consensus that recognizes the human rights of LGBT citizens everywhere.

The first issue goes to the heart of the matter. Some have suggested that gay rights and human rights are separate and distinct; but, in fact, they are one and the same. Now, of course, 60 years ago, the governments that drafted and passed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were not thinking about how it applied to the LGBT community. They also weren’t thinking about how it applied to indigenous people or children or people with disabilities or other marginalized groups. Yet in the past 60 years, we have come to recognize that members of these groups are entitled to the full measure of dignity and rights, because, like all people, they share a common humanity.

This recognition did not occur all at once. It evolved over time. And as it did, we understood that we were honoring rights that people always had, rather than creating new or special rights for them. Like being a woman, like being a racial, religious, tribal, or ethnic minority, being LGBT does not make you less human. And that is why gay rights are human rights, and human rights are gay rights.

It is violation of human rights when people are beaten or killed because of their sexual orientation, or because they do not conform to cultural norms about how men and women should look or behave. It is a violation of human rights when governments declare it illegal to be gay, or allow those who harm gay people to go unpunished. It is a violation of human rights when lesbian or transgendered women are subjected to so-called corrective rape, or forcibly subjected to hormone treatments, or when people are murdered after public calls for violence toward gays, or when they are forced to flee their nations and seek asylum in other lands to save their lives. And it is a violation of human rights when life-saving care is withheld from people because they are gay, or equal access to justice is denied to people because they are gay, or public spaces are out of bounds to people because they are gay. No matter what we look like, where we come from, or who we are, we are all equally entitled to our human rights and dignity.

The second issue is a question of whether homosexuality arises from a particular part of the world. Some seem to believe it is a Western phenomenon, and therefore people outside the West have grounds to reject it. Well, in reality, gay people are born into and belong to every society in the world. They are all ages, all races, all faiths; they are doctors and teachers, farmers and bankers, soldiers and athletes; and whether we know it, or whether we acknowledge it, they are our family, our friends, and our neighbors.

Being gay is not a Western invention; it is a human reality. And protecting the human rights of all people, gay or straight, is not something that only Western governments do. South Africa’s constitution, written in the aftermath of Apartheid, protects the equality of all citizens, including gay people. In Colombia and Argentina, the rights of gays are also legally protected. In Nepal, the supreme court has ruled that equal rights apply to LGBT citizens. The Government of Mongolia has committed to pursue new legislation that will tackle anti-gay discrimination.

Now, some worry that protecting the human rights of the LGBT community is a luxury that only wealthy nations can afford. But in fact, in all countries, there are costs to not protecting these rights, in both gay and straight lives lost to disease and violence, and the silencing of voices and views that would strengthen communities, in ideas never pursued by entrepreneurs who happen to be gay. Costs are incurred whenever any group is treated as lesser or the other, whether they are women, racial, or religious minorities, or the LGBT. Former President Mogae of Botswana pointed out recently that for as long as LGBT people are kept in the shadows, there cannot be an effective public health program to tackle HIV and AIDS. Well, that holds true for other challenges as well.

The third, and perhaps most challenging, issue arises when people cite religious or cultural values as a reason to violate or not to protect the human rights of LGBT citizens. This is not unlike the justification offered for violent practices towards women like honor killings, widow burning, or female genital mutilation. Some people still defend those practices as part of a cultural tradition. But violence toward women isn’t cultural; it’s criminal. Likewise with slavery, what was once justified as sanctioned by God is now properly reviled as an unconscionable violation of human rights.

In each of these cases, we came to learn that no practice or tradition trumps the human rights that belong to all of us. And this holds true for inflicting violence on LGBT people, criminalizing their status or behavior, expelling them from their families and communities, or tacitly or explicitly accepting their killing.

Of course, it bears noting that rarely are cultural and religious traditions and teachings actually in conflict with the protection of human rights. Indeed, our religion and our culture are sources of compassion and inspiration toward our fellow human beings. It was not only those who’ve justified slavery who leaned on religion, it was also those who sought to abolish it. And let us keep in mind that our commitments to protect the freedom of religion and to defend the dignity of LGBT people emanate from a common source. For many of us, religious belief and practice is a vital source of meaning and identity, and fundamental to who we are as people. And likewise, for most of us, the bonds of love and family that we forge are also vital sources of meaning and identity. And caring for others is an expression of what it means to be fully human. It is because the human experience is universal that human rights are universal and cut across all religions and cultures.

The fourth issue is what history teaches us about how we make progress towards rights for all. Progress starts with honest discussion. Now, there are some who say and believe that all gay people are pedophiles, that homosexuality is a disease that can be caught or cured, or that gays recruit others to become gay. Well, these notions are simply not true. They are also unlikely to disappear if those who promote or accept them are dismissed out of hand rather than invited to share their fears and concerns. No one has ever abandoned a belief because he was forced to do so.

Universal human rights include freedom of expression and freedom of belief, even if our words or beliefs denigrate the humanity of others. Yet, while we are each free to believe whatever we choose, we cannot do whatever we choose, not in a world where we protect the human rights of all.

Reaching understanding of these issues takes more than speech. It does take a conversation. In fact, it takes a constellation of conversations in places big and small. And it takes a willingness to see stark differences in belief as a reason to begin the conversation, not to avoid it.

But progress comes from changes in laws. In many places, including my own country, legal protections have preceded, not followed, broader recognition of rights. Laws have a teaching effect. Laws that discriminate validate other kinds of discrimination. Laws that require equal protections reinforce the moral imperative of equality. And practically speaking, it is often the case that laws must change before fears about change dissipate.

Many in my country thought that President Truman was making a grave error when he ordered the racial desegregation of our military. They argued that it would undermine unit cohesion. And it wasn’t until he went ahead and did it that we saw how it strengthened our social fabric in ways even the supporters of the policy could not foresee. Likewise, some worried in my country that the repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” would have a negative effect on our armed forces. Now, the Marine Corps Commandant, who was one of the strongest voices against the repeal, says that his concerns were unfounded and that the Marines have embraced the change.

Finally, progress comes from being willing to walk a mile in someone else’s shoes. We need to ask ourselves, “How would it feel if it were a crime to love the person I love? How would it feel to be discriminated against for something about myself that I cannot change?” This challenge applies to all of us as we reflect upon deeply held beliefs, as we work to embrace tolerance and respect for the dignity of all persons, and as we engage humbly with those with whom we disagree in the hope of creating greater understanding.

A fifth and final question is how we do our part to bring the world to embrace human rights for all people including LGBT people. Yes, LGBT people must help lead this effort, as so many of you are. Their knowledge and experiences are invaluable and their courage inspirational. We know the names of brave LGBT activists who have literally given their lives for this cause, and there are many more whose names we will never know. But often those who are denied rights are least empowered to bring about the changes they seek. Acting alone, minorities can never achieve the majorities necessary for political change.

So when any part of humanity is sidelined, the rest of us cannot sit on the sidelines. Every time a barrier to progress has fallen, it has taken a cooperative effort from those on both sides of the barrier. In the fight for women’s rights, the support of men remains crucial. The fight for racial equality has relied on contributions from people of all races. Combating Islamaphobia or anti-Semitism is a task for people of all faiths. And the same is true with this struggle for equality.

Conversely, when we see denials and abuses of human rights and fail to act, that sends the message to those deniers and abusers that they won’t suffer any consequences for their actions, and so they carry on. But when we do act, we send a powerful moral message. Right here in Geneva, the international community acted this year to strengthen a global consensus around the human rights of LGBT people. At the Human Rights Council in March, 85 countries from all regions supported a statement calling for an end to criminalization and violence against people because of their sexual orientation and gender identity.

At the following session of the Council in June, South Africa took the lead on a resolution about violence against LGBT people. The delegation from South Africa spoke eloquently about their own experience and struggle for human equality and its indivisibility. When the measure passed, it became the first-ever UN resolution recognizing the human rights of gay people worldwide. In the Organization of American States this year, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights created a unit on the rights of LGBT people, a step toward what we hope will be the creation of a special rapporteur.

Now, we must go further and work here and in every region of the world to galvanize more support for the human rights of the LGBT community. To the leaders of those countries where people are jailed, beaten, or executed for being gay, I ask you to consider this: Leadership, by definition, means being out in front of your people when it is called for. It means standing up for the dignity of all your citizens and persuading your people to do the same. It also means ensuring that all citizens are treated as equals under your laws, because let me be clear – I am not saying that gay people can’t or don’t commit crimes. They can and they do, just like straight people. And when they do, they should be held accountable, but it should never be a crime to be gay.

And to people of all nations, I say supporting human rights is your responsibility too. The lives of gay people are shaped not only by laws, but by the treatment they receive every day from their families, from their neighbors. Eleanor Roosevelt, who did so much to advance human rights worldwide, said that these rights begin in the small places close to home – the streets where people live, the schools they attend, the factories, farms, and offices where they work. These places are your domain. The actions you take, the ideals that you advocate, can determine whether human rights flourish where you are.

And finally, to LGBT men and women worldwide, let me say this: Wherever you live and whatever the circumstances of your life, whether you are connected to a network of support or feel isolated and vulnerable, please know that you are not alone. People around the globe are working hard to support you and to bring an end to the injustices and dangers you face. That is certainly true for my country. And you have an ally in the United States of America and you have millions of friends among the American people.

The Obama Administration defends the human rights of LGBT people as part of our comprehensive human rights policy and as a priority of our foreign policy. In our embassies, our diplomats are raising concerns about specific cases and laws, and working with a range of partners to strengthen human rights protections for all. In Washington, we have created a task force at the State Department to support and coordinate this work. And in the coming months, we will provide every embassy with a toolkit to help improve their efforts. And we have created a program that offers emergency support to defenders of human rights for LGBT people.

This morning, back in Washington, President Obama put into place the first U.S. Government strategy dedicated to combating human rights abuses against LGBT persons abroad. Building on efforts already underway at the State Department and across the government, the President has directed all U.S. Government agencies engaged overseas to combat the criminalization of LGBT status and conduct, to enhance efforts to protect vulnerable LGBT refugees and asylum seekers, to ensure that our foreign assistance promotes the protection of LGBT rights, to enlist international organizations in the fight against discrimination, and to respond swiftly to abuses against LGBT persons.

I am also pleased to announce that we are launching a new Global Equality Fund that will support the work of civil society organizations working on these issues around the world. This fund will help them record facts so they can target their advocacy, learn how to use the law as a tool, manage their budgets, train their staffs, and forge partnerships with women’s organizations and other human rights groups. We have committed more than $3 million to start this fund, and we have hope that others will join us in supporting it.

The women and men who advocate for human rights for the LGBT community in hostile places, some of whom are here today with us, are brave and dedicated, and deserve all the help we can give them. We know the road ahead will not be easy. A great deal of work lies before us. But many of us have seen firsthand how quickly change can come. In our lifetimes, attitudes toward gay people in many places have been transformed. Many people, including myself, have experienced a deepening of our own convictions on this topic over the years, as we have devoted more thought to it, engaged in dialogues and debates, and established personal and professional relationships with people who are gay.

This evolution is evident in many places. To highlight one example, the Delhi High Court decriminalized homosexuality in India two years ago, writing, and I quote, “If there is one tenet that can be said to be an underlying theme of the Indian constitution, it is inclusiveness.” There is little doubt in my mind that support for LGBT human rights will continue to climb. Because for many young people, this is simple: All people deserve to be treated with dignity and have their human rights respected, no matter who they are or whom they love.

There is a phrase that people in the United States invoke when urging others to support human rights: “Be on the right side of history.” The story of the United States is the story of a nation that has repeatedly grappled with intolerance and inequality. We fought a brutal civil war over slavery. People from coast to coast joined in campaigns to recognize the rights of women, indigenous peoples, racial minorities, children, people with disabilities, immigrants, workers, and on and on. And the march toward equality and justice has continued. Those who advocate for expanding the circle of human rights were and are on the right side of history, and history honors them. Those who tried to constrict human rights were wrong, and history reflects that as well.

I know that the thoughts I’ve shared today involve questions on which opinions are still evolving. As it has happened so many times before, opinion will converge once again with the truth, the immutable truth, that all persons are created free and equal in dignity and rights. We are called once more to make real the words of the Universal Declaration. Let us answer that call. Let us be on the right side of history, for our people, our nations, and future generations, whose lives will be shaped by the work we do today. I come before you with great hope and confidence that no matter how long the road ahead, we will travel it successfully together. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

演講稿中文翻譯：

國(guó)務(wù)卿希拉里·克林頓（Hillary Clinton）: 晚上好。我來(lái)到這里感到十分榮幸和高興。我要向托卡耶夫（Tokayev）總干事和懷登（Wyden）女士以及各位部長(zhǎng)、大使、閣下和聯(lián)合國(guó)伙伴們致謝。這個(gè)周末，我們將慶祝人權(quán)日（Human Rights Day），上個(gè)世紀(jì)重大成果之一的周年紀(jì)念日。從1947年開(kāi)始，來(lái)自六大洲的代表投入全副精力起草一份闡明全世界人民應(yīng)該享有的神圣的基本權(quán)利和自由的宣言。二戰(zhàn)以后，很多國(guó)家都強(qiáng)烈要求起草這樣的聲明，以利于確保防止未來(lái)的暴行和保護(hù)所有的人與生俱來(lái)的人性和尊嚴(yán)。為此，代表們開(kāi)始了他們的工作。他們花費(fèi)了數(shù)千個(gè)小時(shí)，不斷地討論、擬稿；他們又多次審稿、修改、重寫(xiě)。他們吸納了世界各地政府、組織和個(gè)人的建議和修改意見(jiàn)。1948年12月10日凌晨3點(diǎn),經(jīng)過(guò)了將近兩年的起草工作以及最后一個(gè)漫長(zhǎng)夜晚的辯論，聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)主席要求對(duì)最后文本進(jìn)行投票表決。48個(gè)國(guó)家投贊成票，8個(gè)國(guó)家棄權(quán)，零票反對(duì)，《世界人權(quán)宣言》（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）就此獲得通過(guò)。這份宣言宣告了一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單、有力的理念：所有的人生來(lái)自由，享有平等的尊嚴(yán)和權(quán)利。這份宣言闡明，權(quán)利不是政府賦予，而是所有的人與生俱來(lái)的。無(wú)論我們生活在哪個(gè)國(guó)家，無(wú)論我們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人是誰(shuí)，也無(wú)論我們是什么人，都無(wú)關(guān)緊要。因?yàn)槲覀兪侨耍虼宋覀兿碛袡?quán)利。因?yàn)槲覀兿碛袡?quán)利，政府就必須保護(hù)我們的權(quán)利。宣言通過(guò)至今已有63年。很多國(guó)家在使人權(quán)成為人類社會(huì)的現(xiàn)實(shí)方面取得了偉大的進(jìn)步。曾經(jīng)阻礙人們享有充分的自由、體驗(yàn)充分的尊嚴(yán)和享受人類所有裨益的障礙逐步消除。在很多地方，種族主義法律被廢止。將婦女降至二等公民地位的法律和社會(huì)規(guī)范被廢除。宗教少數(shù)派自由從事自己信仰活動(dòng)的能力得到了保障。在大部分情況下，這一進(jìn)步來(lái)之不易。人們?yōu)榱烁淖兎刹⑦M(jìn)一步改變?nèi)说那楦泻陀^念進(jìn)行斗爭(zhēng)，組織起來(lái)，在公共廣場(chǎng)和私人空間開(kāi)展活動(dòng)。成千上萬(wàn)的人曾因社會(huì)不公正而生活在被壓縮的空間里，但經(jīng)過(guò)幾代人的努力，他們現(xiàn)在已能更自由地生活，更充分地參與所在社區(qū)的政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)生活。正如大家所知，現(xiàn)在仍然有更多工作要做，以便為所有的人爭(zhēng)取這一承諾、這種現(xiàn)實(shí)和進(jìn)步。今天，我想談?wù)勔患写瓿傻墓ぷ鳎员Ｗo(hù)一個(gè)群體，他們的人權(quán)在世界上太多的地方仍然被剝奪。在許多方面，他們是一群看不見(jiàn)的少數(shù)。他們被逮捕、毆打、恐嚇、甚至處決。許多人受到同胞的蔑視和暴力對(duì)待，而有能力保護(hù)他們的當(dāng)局熟視無(wú)睹，甚至常常參與其間。他們被剝奪了工作和學(xué)習(xí)的機(jī)會(huì)，被從他們的家園和國(guó)家逐出，被迫隱瞞或否認(rèn)他們的身份，以保護(hù)自己免受傷害。我講的是男女同性戀者、雙性戀者和變性者（LGBT）——他們是人，生來(lái)自由，享有天賦的平等和尊嚴(yán)，理應(yīng)享有這些權(quán)利，這是我們這個(gè)時(shí)代現(xiàn)存的人權(quán)挑戰(zhàn)之一。我在講這個(gè)問(wèn)題時(shí)，深知我的國(guó)家對(duì)待同性戀的人權(quán)記錄還遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不夠完善。直到2003年，它在我國(guó)部分地區(qū)仍然被視作一項(xiàng)犯罪。許多LGBT群體的美國(guó)人在自己的生活中遭受暴力和騷擾。對(duì)有些人而言——包括很多年輕人——受欺凌和被排斥乃是家常便飯。因此，像所有國(guó)家一樣，我們要做更多的工作才能保護(hù)國(guó)內(nèi)的人權(quán)。我知道，這對(duì)很多人是個(gè)敏感的問(wèn)題，保護(hù)LGBT群體的人權(quán)的障礙深深植根于個(gè)人、政治、文化和宗教信仰，所以我是懷著尊重、理解和謙卑而來(lái)。即使在這方面的進(jìn)展是并非易事，我們也不能再推遲行動(dòng)。因此，本著這種精神，我想談?wù)勎覀儽仨毠餐瑢?duì)待的困難和重要的問(wèn)題，以便在承認(rèn)世界各地LGBT群體的公民的人權(quán)上達(dá)成全球共識(shí)。第一個(gè)問(wèn)題涉及問(wèn)題的核心。有些人認(rèn)為，同性戀權(quán)利和人權(quán)互不相關(guān)，二者不同。但事實(shí)上，它們是同一個(gè)問(wèn)題。當(dāng)然，60年前，起草并通過(guò)《世界人權(quán)宣言》的各國(guó)政府并沒(méi)有想過(guò)如何把宣言應(yīng)用于LGBT群體。它們也沒(méi)有想過(guò)如何把宣言應(yīng)用于原住民或兒童或殘疾人或其他被邊緣化的群體。然而，經(jīng)過(guò)過(guò)去的60年，我們已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到，這些群體的成員應(yīng)當(dāng)享有充分的尊嚴(yán)和權(quán)利，因?yàn)榫拖袼械娜艘粯樱麄冇兄餐娜诵浴＿@種認(rèn)識(shí)并不是即刻就獲得的，它經(jīng)歷了一個(gè)演變過(guò)程。在這一過(guò)程中，我們明白了，我們倡導(dǎo)的是人們本該擁有的權(quán)利，而不是為他們創(chuàng)造出的什么新的、特殊的權(quán)利。例如，作為一位女性，作為少數(shù)種族、宗教、部落或民族，作為L(zhǎng)GBT群體，并不意味著你就低人一等。因此，同性戀的權(quán)利就是人權(quán)，人權(quán)也是同性戀的權(quán)利。當(dāng)人們因他們的性取向、或因他們不遵守有關(guān)男性與女性的舉止行為的文化規(guī)范而遭到毒打或殺害，那就是違反人權(quán)；當(dāng)一些國(guó)家的政府宣布同性戀者為非法或讓那些迫害同性戀者的人逍遙法外，那就是違反人權(quán)；當(dāng)女同性戀者或經(jīng)過(guò)變性的女性遭到所謂的矯正強(qiáng)奸或被強(qiáng)迫接受激素治療、或者當(dāng)有人由于對(duì)同性戀者采取暴力行動(dòng)的公開(kāi)煽動(dòng)而被殺害、或者當(dāng)同性戀者被迫逃離自己的國(guó)家到其他國(guó)家尋求庇護(hù)以保全性命，那就是違反人權(quán)。當(dāng)僅僅因?yàn)樗麄兪峭詰僬呔捅粍儕Z拯救生命的治療，或者因?yàn)樗麄兪峭詰僬叨荒塬@得公正的對(duì)待，或因?yàn)樗麄兪峭詰僬呔捅仨氝h(yuǎn)離公共場(chǎng)所，那就是違反人權(quán)。無(wú)論我們的外表如何、無(wú)論我們有何背景與認(rèn)同，我們都應(yīng)平等地享有我們的人權(quán)和尊嚴(yán)。第二個(gè)問(wèn)題是：同性戀是否來(lái)自世界的某一特定部分。有些人似乎認(rèn)為這是一個(gè)西方僅有的現(xiàn)象，因此，其他地區(qū)的人們有理由排斥它。然而，事實(shí)上，同性戀者可能出生在或歸屬于世界上的任何社會(huì)，他們可以是不同年齡、不同種族、不同信仰；他們可以是醫(yī)生和教師、農(nóng)民和銀行家、士兵和運(yùn)動(dòng)員。無(wú)論我們是否了解或是否承認(rèn)這種現(xiàn)象，他們都是我們的家庭成員、我們的朋友或我們的鄰居。同性戀并不是西方的發(fā)明，它是一個(gè)人類現(xiàn)實(shí)。保護(hù)所有的人——無(wú)論是同性戀者或異性戀者——的人權(quán)，并不僅僅是西方國(guó)家政府所做的事情，在種族隔離時(shí)期后誕生的南非憲法保護(hù)所有公民的平等權(quán)利，包括同性戀者的權(quán)利；在哥倫比亞和阿根廷，同性戀者的權(quán)利也同樣得到法律保護(hù)；在尼泊爾，高等法院曾裁定，平等權(quán)利適用于LGBT群體的公民；蒙古政府已經(jīng)承諾制訂制止歧視同性戀者的新法律。有些人擔(dān)心保護(hù)LGBT群體的人權(quán)是富國(guó)才有能力做到的事情。但實(shí)際上，如果不保護(hù)這些權(quán)利，讓同性戀者和異性戀者因疾病和暴力而失去生命，壓制本來(lái)能夠強(qiáng)化社群的聲音和意見(jiàn)，導(dǎo)致身為同性戀者的創(chuàng)業(yè)家無(wú)緣實(shí)現(xiàn)設(shè)想，那么所有國(guó)家都會(huì)為之付出代價(jià)。每當(dāng)任何一個(gè)群體受到不如其他人的待遇或被另眼相看時(shí)，不論他們是女性、少數(shù)人種或宗教少數(shù)派，還是LGBT群體，都是要付出代價(jià)的。博茨瓦納前總統(tǒng)莫哈埃（Mogae）最近指出，只要LGBT群體仍被置于陰影之中，就不可能有高效的公共衛(wèi)生項(xiàng)目來(lái)對(duì)抗艾滋病病毒和艾滋病。對(duì)于其他各項(xiàng)挑戰(zhàn)亦是如此。第三個(gè)，可能也是最具挑戰(zhàn)性的議題，則出現(xiàn)在人們將宗教或文化價(jià)值觀作為侵犯或不保護(hù)LGBT公民人權(quán)的理由之時(shí)。這與為榮譽(yù)處死、焚燒寡婦或女性割禮等針對(duì)女性的暴力行為辯解并無(wú)二致。有些人仍舊辯稱這些做法是文化傳統(tǒng)的一部份，可是對(duì)于女性的暴力不是文化，而是犯罪。同樣的，奴役在過(guò)去被說(shuō)成是上帝的旨意，現(xiàn)在則被恰如其分地痛斥為踐踏人權(quán)的無(wú)恥行徑。上述每一種情況都讓我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，沒(méi)有任何做法或傳統(tǒng)能凌駕于屬于我們所有人的人權(quán)之上。基于同樣的道理，也不應(yīng)向LGBT群體施暴，將他們的身份或行為定為犯罪，把他們趕出家庭和社區(qū)，或者對(duì)他們遇害予以默認(rèn)或公開(kāi)接受。當(dāng)然，值得一提的是，文化或者宗教傳統(tǒng)或教義事實(shí)上很少與保護(hù)人權(quán)相沖突。確實(shí)，我們的宗教和文化是我們對(duì)于人類同胞的關(guān)懷和激勵(lì)的源泉。雖然為奴役辯解的人以宗教為借口，但力爭(zhēng)廢除奴役的人也以宗教為依托。讓我們謹(jǐn)記，我們保護(hù)宗教自由以及捍衛(wèi)LGBT群體尊嚴(yán)的承諾發(fā)自共同的根源。對(duì)我們?cè)S多人而言，宗教信仰和實(shí)踐是意義和身份的重要來(lái)源，是我們生而為人的根基。同樣的，對(duì)于我們多數(shù)人而言，我們所締結(jié)的愛(ài)與家庭的紐帶也是意義和身份的重要來(lái)源。關(guān)懷別人是充滿人性的一種表現(xiàn)。由于人類歷程具有普遍性，因此人權(quán)也具有普遍性，能夠跨越所有宗教和文化。第四個(gè)議題是歷史教導(dǎo)我們?nèi)绾纬巳硕枷碛腥藱?quán)邁進(jìn)。向前邁進(jìn)以開(kāi)誠(chéng)布公的討論為開(kāi)端。有些人聲稱并認(rèn)為所有同性戀者都有戀童癖，同性戀是一種可以得到診斷或治愈的疾病，或者同性戀者會(huì)招募其他人成為同性戀。而這些觀念根本不正確。但如果提倡或者接納這些觀念的人被排斥在外，沒(méi)有得到機(jī)會(huì)表明他們的恐懼或關(guān)注，這些觀念便不太可能消失。從來(lái)沒(méi)有人因?yàn)槭艿綇?qiáng)迫而放棄一種信念。普遍人權(quán)包括表達(dá)自由以及信仰自由，即使我們的話語(yǔ)或信仰貶損其他人的人性。然而，雖然我們有信仰的自由，卻不能為所欲為——在一個(gè)我們保護(hù)所有人的人權(quán)的世界中不能這樣做。在這些問(wèn)題上達(dá)成理解需要的不僅僅是演說(shuō)。確實(shí)需要展開(kāi)對(duì)話。事實(shí)上，需要在大大小小各種場(chǎng)合展開(kāi)一系列對(duì)話，而且需要有意愿認(rèn)識(shí)到在信仰上存在巨大差異是開(kāi)始對(duì)話而不是避開(kāi)對(duì)話的理由。但是進(jìn)步來(lái)自法律的改變。在許多地方，包括在我的國(guó)家，法律保護(hù)出現(xiàn)在更廣泛地承認(rèn)權(quán)利之前，而不是之后。法律具有教育的效用。歧視性的法律成為其他形式的歧視的根據(jù)；規(guī)定平等保護(hù)的法律使平等這一道德責(zé)任得到強(qiáng)化。根據(jù)實(shí)際情況，往往是必須先修改法律，對(duì)改變的擔(dān)憂隨后才會(huì)消失。我國(guó)許多人認(rèn)為，杜魯門總統(tǒng)在下令消除我國(guó)軍隊(duì)中的種族隔離時(shí)犯了一個(gè)重大錯(cuò)誤。他們堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為，這會(huì)破壞軍隊(duì)的凝聚力。直到他下達(dá)命令并實(shí)施以后我們才認(rèn)識(shí)到，它是如何增強(qiáng)我們的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)的，其方式就連這一政策的支持人士當(dāng)時(shí)都沒(méi)有預(yù)見(jiàn)到。同樣，我國(guó)有些人擔(dān)心，廢除“不問(wèn)不講”政策會(huì)對(duì)我國(guó)武裝力量產(chǎn)生負(fù)面影響。而今天，曾是廢除這項(xiàng)政策的最強(qiáng)烈的反對(duì)者之一的海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊(duì)指揮官表示，他的擔(dān)心是沒(méi)有根據(jù)的，海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊(duì)員支持這種改變。最后，進(jìn)步來(lái)自愿意設(shè)身處地為別人著想。我們應(yīng)當(dāng)問(wèn)問(wèn)自己：“如果愛(ài)我所愛(ài)的人是犯罪行為，這該是什么滋味？因?yàn)槲疑砩夏撤N我不能改變的東西而受到歧視是什么滋味？”當(dāng)我們反省根深蒂固的觀念時(shí)，當(dāng)我們努力主張寬容和尊重所有人的尊嚴(yán)時(shí)，當(dāng)我們謙遜地同那些與我們意見(jiàn)相左的人接觸以期加深理解時(shí)，這會(huì)是我們所有人都面臨的一個(gè)難題。 第五個(gè)、也是最后一個(gè)問(wèn)題是，我們?nèi)绾伪M我們一份力讓世界支持包括LGBT群體在內(nèi)的所有人的人權(quán)。是的，LGBT群體必須幫助主導(dǎo)這項(xiàng)努力，正如你們?cè)S多人所作的那樣。他們的知識(shí)和經(jīng)歷非常寶貴，他們的勇氣令人鼓舞。我們知道為這項(xiàng)事業(yè)真正獻(xiàn)出了生命的勇敢的LGBT群體活動(dòng)人士的姓名，但還有很多很多人的名字我們將永遠(yuǎn)都不會(huì)知道。不過(guò)，那些權(quán)利遭到剝奪的人往往正是最沒(méi)有自主權(quán)、不能實(shí)現(xiàn)他們力爭(zhēng)實(shí)現(xiàn)的變革的人。如果單獨(dú)行動(dòng)，少數(shù)派人士永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)成為政治變革所需的多數(shù)派。因此，當(dāng)人類無(wú)論哪一群體被邊緣化時(shí)，我們其余的人不能袖手旁觀。阻擋進(jìn)步的壁壘每次倒塌時(shí)，都是靠來(lái)自壁壘兩邊的人的通力合作。在爭(zhēng)取婦女權(quán)利的斗爭(zhēng)中，男人的支持始終至關(guān)重要。爭(zhēng)取種族平等的戰(zhàn)斗依靠著各種族人民的貢獻(xiàn)。戰(zhàn)勝伊斯蘭恐懼癥或反猶太主義是各個(gè)宗教信仰的人的任務(wù)。這項(xiàng)為平等而進(jìn)行的斗爭(zhēng)也具有同樣的道理。反之，當(dāng)我們面對(duì)剝奪與侵犯人權(quán)的行為而無(wú)動(dòng)于衷時(shí)，就是在向那些剝奪與侵犯人權(quán)者傳遞著這樣的信息：他們不必為其行為承擔(dān)任何后果。因此他們會(huì)繼續(xù)下去。但當(dāng)我們確實(shí)采取行動(dòng)時(shí)，我們會(huì)傳遞強(qiáng)大的道德信息。就在日內(nèi)瓦這里，國(guó)際社會(huì)今年采取了行動(dòng)，旨在增強(qiáng)對(duì)LGBT群體人權(quán)的全球共識(shí)。在今年 3 月的人權(quán)理事會(huì)（the Human Rights Council）上，來(lái)自各地區(qū)的 85 個(gè)國(guó)家支持發(fā)布一項(xiàng)聲明，呼吁結(jié)束針對(duì)人們不同的性取向與性別身份而定罪和施暴的現(xiàn)象。接著，在 6 月份舉行的理事會(huì)會(huì)議上，南非率先提出一項(xiàng)針對(duì)向LGBT群體施暴問(wèn)題的決議案。南非代表團(tuán)雄辯地談到他們自己的經(jīng)歷，談到為爭(zhēng)取人類平等與人性之不可離間而進(jìn)行的斗爭(zhēng)。當(dāng)這項(xiàng)決議通過(guò)時(shí)，它成為聯(lián)合國(guó)前所未有的承認(rèn)全世界同性戀者人權(quán)的第一項(xiàng)決議。今年在美洲國(guó)家組織（Organization of American States）內(nèi)，美洲人權(quán)委員會(huì)（Inter-American Commission on Human Rights）建立了一個(gè)關(guān)于LGBT群體權(quán)利的小組，朝著我們希望建立的特別報(bào)告人機(jī)制邁出了一步。現(xiàn)在，我們必須向前走得更遠(yuǎn)，在這里和在全世界各地區(qū)激發(fā)對(duì)LGBT群體的人權(quán)的更大支持。對(duì)于那些人們因身為同性戀者而遭到監(jiān)禁、毒打或被處決的國(guó)家的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，我請(qǐng)你們考慮這一點(diǎn)：根據(jù)定義，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用意味著在有需要時(shí)為你們的人民挺身而出。它意味著起身捍衛(wèi)你們所有公民的尊嚴(yán)，并說(shuō)服你們的人民也這樣做。它還意味著確保所有公民在國(guó)家法律面前一律平等，因?yàn)槲乙鞔_地說(shuō)——我不是說(shuō)同性戀者不能或者不會(huì)犯罪 ；他們像一般人一樣有可能也會(huì)犯罪。當(dāng)他們犯罪時(shí)，他們應(yīng)該受到追究。但身為同性戀者絕不應(yīng)是罪行。我要對(duì)所有國(guó)家的人說(shuō)，支持人權(quán)也是你們的責(zé)任。同性戀者的生活不僅取決于法律的影響，而且也取決于家人鄰居日常對(duì)待他們的方式。曾為在全球增進(jìn)人權(quán)作出巨大貢獻(xiàn)的埃莉諾·羅斯福（Eleanor Roosevelt）說(shuō)過(guò)，這些權(quán)利始于自己身邊的細(xì)微之處，包括居家的街巷；上學(xué)的校園；做事的工廠、農(nóng)莊和辦公室。這些是你們自己的生活圈。你們采取的行動(dòng)，你們倡導(dǎo)的理念，對(duì)于人權(quán)能否在你所在的地方蓬勃發(fā)展具有決定作用。最后，我要對(duì)全世界LGBT群體說(shuō)，無(wú)論你生活在哪里，無(wú)論你處于怎樣的生活狀況，也無(wú)論你是有自己的扶助關(guān)系網(wǎng)還是深感形單影只，請(qǐng)記住，你不是孤立的。全球各地的人正在大力支持你們，并努力結(jié)束你們面對(duì)的不公正和危險(xiǎn)。在我的國(guó)家的確是這樣。美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)是你們的聯(lián)盟，千百萬(wàn)美國(guó)人是你們的朋友。歐巴馬政府把捍衛(wèi)LGBT群體的權(quán)利作為我們總體人權(quán)政策的一項(xiàng)內(nèi)容，它也是我國(guó)外交政策的一項(xiàng)重點(diǎn)。我們駐外使館的外交人員針對(duì)具體案例和法律提出我們的關(guān)注，并正為更有力地保護(hù)所有人的人權(quán)與多方合作伙伴共同努力。在華盛頓，我們?cè)趪?guó)務(wù)院成立了專門工作組，支持和協(xié)調(diào)這項(xiàng)工作。在近幾個(gè)月內(nèi)我們將為每一個(gè)使館提供一套手段，加強(qiáng)他們的工作。我們還建立了一個(gè)項(xiàng)目，向LGBT群體的維權(quán)人士提供緊急救助。今天早上在華盛頓，歐巴馬總統(tǒng)首次確立了美國(guó)政府對(duì)海外踐踏LGBT群體權(quán)利的現(xiàn)象予以抗擊的戰(zhàn)略。總統(tǒng)基于國(guó)務(wù)院和政府各部已經(jīng)作出的努力，指示美國(guó)聯(lián)邦政府所有涉外機(jī)構(gòu)，同以LGBT群體的身份和舉止為由而將他們治罪的做法作斗爭(zhēng)，加強(qiáng)保護(hù)易受傷害的身為L(zhǎng)GBT群體的難民和庇護(hù)申請(qǐng)人，確保我們的對(duì)外援助有助于保護(hù)男女同性戀者、雙性戀者和變性者的權(quán)利，讓國(guó)際組織加入到反歧視的斗爭(zhēng)中來(lái)，并對(duì)欺辱LGBT群體的事件作出迅速反應(yīng)。我還很高興地宣布，我們正在啟動(dòng)一個(gè)新的全球平等基金(Global Equality Fund)，用于支持世界各地在這些問(wèn)題上努力的公民社會(huì)組織的工作。該基金將幫助他們記錄事實(shí)，以便他們能夠更有針對(duì)性地開(kāi)展維權(quán)活動(dòng)，學(xué)習(xí)使用法律工具，管理其預(yù)算，培訓(xùn)工作人員，與婦女組織以及其他人權(quán)組織建立合作。我們已經(jīng)承諾為該基金提供300多萬(wàn)美元的啟動(dòng)資金，并希望其他國(guó)家也會(huì)像我們一樣為它提供支持。那些為身處敵視環(huán)境的LGBT群體爭(zhēng)取權(quán)利的人們——其中一些人今天也在這里——富有勇氣和獻(xiàn)身精神，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)盡力幫助他們。我們知道，未來(lái)的道路不會(huì)一帆風(fēng)順，我們還有大量工作要做。但是，我們?cè)S多人已經(jīng)親眼目睹世界可能以很快的速度發(fā)生變化。我們這一代人看到，在許多地方人們對(duì)同性戀者的態(tài)度發(fā)生了根本的轉(zhuǎn)變。多年來(lái)，許多人——包括我自己——對(duì)這個(gè)問(wèn)題進(jìn)行了更多思考、對(duì)話和辯論，在生活和工作中與同性戀者建立了聯(lián)系，從而加深了我們自己的信念。這種轉(zhuǎn)變?cè)谠S多地方都很明顯。一個(gè)突出的例子是，德里最高法院兩年前取消了印度的同性戀罪，其裁決書(shū)說(shuō)：“如果說(shuō)印度憲法包含一個(gè)最根本的原則，那就是包容性。”我毫不懷疑，對(duì)LGBT群體人權(quán)的支持會(huì)繼續(xù)增加，因?yàn)閷?duì)許多年輕人來(lái)說(shuō)，這是一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的道理：所有的人都應(yīng)當(dāng)享有尊嚴(yán)，其人權(quán)應(yīng)當(dāng)受到尊重，無(wú)論他們是誰(shuí)，也無(wú)論他們愛(ài)誰(shuí)。美國(guó)人在鼓勵(lì)別人支持人權(quán)時(shí)常說(shuō)一句話：請(qǐng)站在歷史的正確的一邊。歷史上，美國(guó)曾經(jīng)一再受到不寬容和不平等的困擾，我們?yōu)閺U除奴隸制進(jìn)行了一場(chǎng)殘酷的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。全國(guó)人民曾投身于各種運(yùn)動(dòng)，為婦女、原住民、少數(shù)種族、兒童、殘疾人、移民、勞工以及許多其他群體爭(zhēng)取權(quán)利。今天，人們依然向著平等和公正的目標(biāo)邁進(jìn)。那些為更多人爭(zhēng)取人權(quán)的人們站在歷史的正確的一邊，受到歷史的肯定。那些試圖限制人權(quán)的人是錯(cuò)誤的，歷史也證實(shí)了這一點(diǎn)。我知道，就我今天談到的想法所涉及的問(wèn)題而言，人們的觀念還在變化。正如過(guò)去無(wú)數(shù)次出現(xiàn)的情況，觀念會(huì)再度統(tǒng)一于真理、永恒的真理，即所有人生來(lái)自由，享有平等的尊嚴(yán)和權(quán)利。我們?cè)俅问艿秸賳荆獙?shí)現(xiàn)《世界人權(quán)宣言》的承諾。讓我們響應(yīng)這一召喚。讓我們站在歷史的正確的一邊——為了我們的人民、我們各個(gè)國(guó)家和子孫后代，我們今天的作為會(huì)改變他們未來(lái)的生活。我今天來(lái)到這里，站在你們面前，滿懷著希望和信心，無(wú)論未來(lái)的道路多么漫長(zhǎng)，我們將攜手向前，取得成功。非常感謝大家。（掌聲）（完） 

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